Playing violent video games

0193-3973/$ - see front matter © 2003 Elsevier Inc. All rights reserved. doi: 10.1 016/S0 193-3973(03)00073-X

1.1. Research on the effects of playing violent video games

For somewhat older children, experimental results are less consistent. Working with thirdand fourth-graders, Kirsh (1998) asked children to respond to stories describing common situations after playing a violent or nonviolent video game. Those who played the violent game were more likely to attribute negative intent to the actions of others. However, for a group of second through sixth-graders, no significant differences in the aggressive content of projective test responses or in willingness to help or hurt an unseen "child" were identified after participants played violent electronic games (Graybill, Strawniak, Hunter, & O'Leary, 1987). In another study, sixth- through eighth-grade boys played either a violent or nonviolent video game or completed a puzzle (Cohn, 1995). Game type did not produce different effects in the areas of behavioral aggression (delivering noxious feedback-noise-to an "opponent" during a game of Battleship) or projective aggression (as measured by the Multiple Adjective Checklist), arousal (as measured by heart rate), or desensitization (as measured by how long it took to seek help after a staged fight). However, Cohn reported that players with more Mortal Kombat experience were significantly more aggressive postplay than those with less Mortal Kombat experience.

Studies with adults highlight the importance of considering preexisting characteristics when evaluating short-term effects. Calvert and Tan (1994) compared the effects of playing

Desensitization to violence is an often-cited negative outcome of exposure to violent media (Bushman & Huesmann, 2001). Desensitization has been defined as the attenuation or elimination of cognitive, emotional, and behavioral responses to a stimulus, which would normally elicit a significant response (Rule & Ferguson, 1986). One approach to establishing the condition of desensitization to violence is to examine the individual's capacity for moral evaluation. Moral evaluation is an automatic process that is triggered when the situation requires that certain normative beliefs guide behavioral choice (Guerra, Huesmann, &

1.3. Empathy and attitudes towards violence

Changes in emotional responsivity are seen in the blunting or absence of emotional reactions to violent events, which would commonly elicit a strong response. Cognitive changes are demonstrated when the customary view that violence is uncommon and unlikely is transformed to the belief that violence is mundane and inevitable. Empathy and attitudes towards

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Empathy is one of the "self-conscious emotions" critical for moral evaluation (Eisenberg, 2000; Hoffman, 2000; Tangney & Fischer, 1995). Although there is some remaining theoretical controversy about the precise nature and development of empathy, there is agreement that empathic responding requires both cognitive (perspective-taking) and affective responsiveness to the perceived emotional state of another (Eisenberg & Fabes, 1998; Feshbach, 1997). Empathy develops in response to positive socialization experiences such as the opportunity to view empathic models and to experience feedback about behavioral choices (Eisenberg & Fabes, 1998; Feshbach, 1997). The experience and expression of empathy is influenced by both dispositional factors (the individual's innate tendency to experience emotion) and by situational factors outside the individual, for example, the degree of affect being expressed by the other (Eisenberg, Wentzel, & Harris, 1998).

Once moral evaluation becomes internalized, empathy is needed to transform moral standards into "hot" or emotionally charged cognitions, which then influence behavior, the product of moral evaluation. In most cases, a positive relationship between empathy and prosocial behavior has been identified (Hastings, Zahn- Waxler, Robinson, Usher, & Bridges, 2000; Krevans & Gibbs, 1996; Miller & Eisenberg, 1988; Roberts & Strayer, 1996). Lower empathy has been associated with social maladjustment and aggression in youth (Cohen & Strayer, 1996). In another study, aggressive elementary school children showed less empathy than their nonaggressive peers (Boldizar, Perry, & Perry, 1989).

Relationships between video game playing and empathy were examined in two surveys.

Sakamoto (1994) identified a negative relationship between simple frequency of video game use and empathy, as measured by an adaptation of Bryant's (1982) scale for use with Japanese children, in fourth- through sixth-graders. Barnett et aL (1997) investigated game preference, self-esteem, and empathy in a survey of 15- to 19-year-olds. Although no significant relationships were found with self-esteem, adolescents whose favorite game was violent had lower empathy scores on the 7-item "fantasy empathy" subscale of the Interpersonal Reactivity Index.

Attitudes towards violence are another important component of the process of moral evaluation. Attitudes are a type of knowledge structure: coherent, experience-based mental structures that influence information processing and behavior (Dodge, 1993; Fabrigar, Smith, & Brannon, 1999). Attitude formation may occur as a result of purposeful information processing, as in jury deliberations, or automatically without conscious effort, for example, as a result of advertising (Wegner & Bargh, 1998). The formation of attitudes towards aggression and violence is influenced by many variables including parental attitudes, amount of exposure to violence, and social class (Rule & Ferguson, 1986; Vernberg, Jacobs, & Hershberger, 1999). Exposure to violence strengthens the attitude that, in certain situations, violence is an appropriate way to resolve conflict (Barkin, Kreiter, & DuRant, 2001). For example, Barkin et aL (2001) reported that adolescents with significant prior violence exposure felt completely justified in using violence (termed moralistic violence) to respond to a perceived assault on their honor.

Information is needed about whether or not exposure to violent video games causes desensitization to violence in children. Desensitization is a condition that can be understood by examining components of the process of moral evaluation, and its outcome. In the present research, we evaluated both short- and long-term exposure to violent video games. Short-term

All children completed a background questionnaire reporting typical game-playing habits and listing and categorizing up to three favorite video or computer games using six content categories with definitions (educational, general entertainment, sports without violence, sports with violence, human violence, fantasy or cartoon violence) that were previously developed with the help of children and adolescents (Funk, 1993; Funk & Buchman, 1995). Habits reported included typical weekly playing time and length of time playing in months.

I The CEQ is available from the corresponding author.

To assess game effects, children were presented with 10 vignettes describing everyday situations after playing one of two video games. Four vignettes were designed with aggressive actions as a probable next occurrence, while six had empathic responses as likely happenings. Line drawings depicting each situation accompanied the verbal vignette description. To increase the probability that the child would identify with the situation, two sets of drawings were used so that situations could be gender-specific (see Fig. 1 for an example); names of main characters in the vignettes were also made gender-specific. The female versions of the vignette descriptions are presented in Table 1.

Empathy and aggression vignettes (version for girls)

5. Tammy is walking out on the playground for recess. She sees a new kid in her class crying at the side of the playground.

6. Nancy's friend trips and skins her knee on the playground.

7. The new kid Christine will lose recess for leaving a mess in the art center of the classroom. Joni sees what is

happening.

6. Sally and Tracy are eating cookies from the cookie jar at Tracy's house. Tracy drops the lid and breaks it. 9. Peggy sees her next-door neighbor Mrs. Jones drop something out of her wheelchair.

10. Natalie sees a kid leave her necklace on the table at McDonald's.

2. Julie always likes to start fights with other kids. One day she tries to start a fight with Susie. 4. Sharon is waiting in line for the slide at the Discovery Zone. A child pushes in front of her.

7. Trudy accidentally hits Kathy with a ball while playing on the playground.

8. During recess, Chris is playing with a new toy by herself. A kid comes over and takes the toy away from her.

Numbers indicate order in which items were read. Vignettes presented to boys used names to indicate male characters.

2.3. Procedure

After completing the questionnaires, pulse rate was measured by a trained examiner using typical office techniques including a stopwatch. Pulse rate was used to provide a general measure of arousal for the younger group. Examiners were trained in this technique by a registered nurse. Next, both groups of children were instructed in, and then played, either a relatively nonviolent or relatively violent computer game for 15 minutes. The older children played either Marble Drop or Terra Nova on a Dell OptiPlex GXM 5133 desktop computer. Marble Drop is a nonviolent game in which the object is to place colored marbles into the correct chute so that they will line up in a predetermined order. Levers and other mechanisms controlling the path of the marble change as placements are made. The relatively violent game played by the older children was Terra Nova, in which the object is to defend a colony from invaders by maneuvering a plane and using various weapons while avoiding being blown up by the invaders. Children were instructed in the basic goals and game moves and given instruction sheets to help them remember key commands. They were asked about previous experience with their assigned game, but none was reported for either game. Then the experimenter went to an adjoining room while the children played the game for 15 minutes. Seventeen children played Marble Drop and 18 played Terra Nova.

The younger children played either Croc: Legend of the Gobbos or Earthworm Jim: New Junk City on a portable Dell Latitude computer. Croc, a cartoon-style crocodile, negotiates a series of fairly simple levels trying to save his friends, the Gobbos. Croc must avoid bumblebees and gather crystals. He primarily tries to avoid trouble, but can use his tail to ward off attack. Croc has no actual weapons. The goal of Earthworm Jim is to try and rescue a princess by moving through a dangerous junkyard. The character is a humanoid earthworm that has weapons, such as whips and guns, that are used to fight off attacks by various evil characters. Prior to game playing, the younger children were instructed in basic goals and game moves and questioned about previous experience with their assigned game (none was reported). Then their play was observed for 5 minutes and additional training was given if needed. The examiner moved to an adjoining room while the child played independently for 10 additional minutes. Fifteen children played Croc and 16 played Earthworm Jim. Immediately after game playing, the children's pulse rates were taken again and recorded.

N ext, children in both age groups were asked to report how frustrating the game was on a scale of 1-10 with 10 being most frustrating. A visual aid consisting of a numbered horizontal line with a smiling line drawing face at one end and a frowning face at the other was used and children were asked to point to the place on the line that represented their

2.4. Coding

Aggression was scored when the child's response to aggression vignettes included either verbal or physical aggression (actions that had the intent to harm). For example, in Vignette 2 (see Table 1), one younger child responded, "They will fight each other and get mad." This response received a score of 3 for aggression. A score of 1 was given for the response "He could ignore him or tell on him." Longer, more complex responses were scored according to the following guidelines: If a response was one idea that the child developed over the course of the response, the last idea in the response was scored. If the response contained separate ideas, each idea was scored separately.

Reasonable developmental expectations for aggression and for empathy were taken into consideration by having one team of coders evaluate all the responses of the younger children and the other team evaluated all the older children's responses. This allowed each team to develop a sense of the normative responses for their age group. All vignettes were scored by both coders in the coding team, with disagreements resolved by discussion and consensus. Intercoder reliability of 88% was attained for the coders assessing the older group. For the younger group, intercoder reliability for aggression and empathy vignette scores was 92%.

3.1. Preliminary analyses

Frustration scores were evaluated in relation to game played, gender, and type of vignette.

No significant relationships were identified. For the younger group, no statistically significant difference was found in how much children liked the two games. Regarding their physiological response to the games, paired sample t test results indicated there was not a significant increase in pulse rate after game playing. There was also no difference in postplay pulse rate by game played.

Different questionnaires were used for each age group to measure preexisting empathy and attitudes towards violence, so for purposes of comparison, these scores were transformed into a single distribution with a mean of 50 and standard deviation of 15 and no negative scores. Means, standard deviations, and the range for questionnaire scores are presented by gender in Table 2.

A variable was created to estimate each child's total exposure to video game violence by multiplying the proportion of video game choices that the child categorized as violent by weekly time by length of exposure in months. Descriptive statistics for the exposure score are presented in Table 3 by gender and age group. A 2 (age) x 2 (gender) analysis of variance applied to this violence-exposure score revealed that the age group difference approached significance, F(1, 62) = 2.92, p = .09, and differences for gender, F(1, 62) = 0.3.95, p = .05, and for the interaction between gender and age, F(1, 62) = 3.95,p = .05, attained the level of significance. Younger girls reported less exposure to video game violence than boys and older girls.

Correlations among major study variables are presented in Table 4. As expected, significant relationships were identified between age group and both aggression and empathy scores in response to the two types of vignettes. A negative association was identified between the attitude towards violence questionnaire and empathy questionnaire scores

Note. Estimated exposure to violent video games was calculated by multiplying the proportion of video game choices that the child categorized as violent by weekly time by length of exposure in months.

Note. Higher scores indicate more aggressive and more empathic responses.

Note. Dummy coding was used to indicate age group membership with older = 0, younger = 1. * P < .05. ** P < .01. *** P < .001.

*p < .01.

4.1. Long-term exposure to violent video games

Vignettes were used to assess children's aggressive and empathic responses to make the findings as generalizable as possible. In other research on empathy, children are typically

In the present study, a relatively brief period of playing either a violent or nonviolent game did not affect children's tendencies to respond in an empathic or aggressive manner to the vignettes. Although contrary to our prediction, present findings are consistent with some past results with child participants (Cohn, 1995; Graybill et al., 1987; Winkel, Novak, & Hopson, 1987), although inconsistent with others (Irwin & Gross, 1995; Kirsh, 1998; Silvern & Williamson, 1987). In retrospect, it may be unrealistic to expect to induce measurable effects on components of moral reasoning as a result of a relatively brief exposure to violent video games (although consistent with time spent in similar research). For ethical reasons, the violent content of the game chosen was relatively benign. Indeed, the violent games included in the present study included a prosocial element of rescuing, which may complicate the interpretation of the children's responses. However, many popular games include such justified

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The issue of power to find an effect must be considered. Although our sample size was comparable to other similar studies (see, for example, Irwin & Gross, 1995; Kirsh, 1998; Silvern & Williamson, 1987), power to find a difference by game played was very low. However, the small effect size calls into question the theoretical significance and practical implications of any difference that may be found with a larger sample size using the degree of violence in the present games. At present, the most viable explanation is that playing these particular games for a brief period had no differential effect on empathy and aggression as measured by vignette responses. In future research, increasing the potency of the violent stimulus may increase the likelihood of finding a significant game effect. It is important to bear in mind, however, that our other analyses did identify a long-term relationship between exposure to violent video games and lower empathy.

There is apparently more consistency in the results of studies of the effects of video game violence with adults than with children. Research with adults has not had the same ethical constraints in game choice and behavioral outcome measure as research with children, allowing for stronger manipulations. With careful selection procedures and debriefing, it may be acceptable to expose older children with prior exposure to violent video games to a stronger and more realistic level of game violence. As suggested above, children should first be evaluated for prior desensitization to violent content.

The possibility that social desirability may have our influenced results should be considered.

Social desirability pressures may have influenced some children's responses; however, other children did give clearly socially undesirable responses, for example, some indicated they would take the toy that had been left behind for themselves (Vignette 10). In other studies of empathy, social desirability has not been found to have a major influence (Bryant, 1982; Strayer, 1993).

In the present study, different measures of attitudes towards violence and empathy were used for the two age groups. For attitudes towards violence, the measure for younger children was a logical developmental extension of the measure used with older children. For empathy, the Bryant measure and the in-development version of the CEQ are theoretically compatible and each was significantly negatively correlated with the respective measures of attitudes towards violence. In future research on violent video games, the use of up-to-date and psychometrically sound measures will continue to be crucial to determining potential relationships and effects.

4.3. Summary and conclusions

However, not all children who play violent video games demonstrate obvious negative impact. We have proposed that some children may be at higher risk for negative impact than others (Funk, 2003; Funk & Buchman, 1996). Research with adults has identified a stronger video game violence effect for individuals with more trait aggressiveness (Anderson & Dill, 2000). On a theoretical basis, vulnerable children may include those whose moral development is a work in progress or is already impaired: Younger children, bullies, and victims of bullies might be included in this group. In addition, children with problems in emotion regulation, those who are easily frustrated or who constantly seek stimulation, may also be more susceptible to negative effects from playing violent video games (Funk, 2003). Studies focusing on these theoretically vulnerable groups may help explain the inconsistencies in the present body of research on the effects of violent video games on children. In particular, longitudinal studies such as those that have been completed on the effects of televised violence (see for example, Huesmann, Moise-Titus, Podolski, & Eron, 2003) are needed to understand the cumulative effects of exposure to violent content in video games.

At this time, policy recommendations can be made at several levels. Parents are on the frontline and must carefully monitor children's leisure activities at least into early adolescence. They should be aware of the child's overt behavioral response to playing video games and take appropriate action when the impact is negative. To counter possible negative influence from playing violent video games, parents should have discussions with their children about the real-life consequences of aggressive actions, about the genuine suffering of victims of violence, and about their view of appropriate ways to resolve real-life conflict. The video game industry, specifically the Entertainment Software Review Board, should reevaluate the game rating system. In the present ratings system, many games rated E for "everyone" contain a surprising degree of violent actions. Given the increasingly sexual nature of some of the most popular violent video games, legally regulating children's access to such games, as has occurred in the state of Washington and is being considered in St. Louis (Associated Press, 2003) is now needed. The Federal Trade Commission should continue to carefully evaluate the need for federal regulation, both to regulate children's ability to purchase mature video games and to ensure that the industry's targeted advertising of violent video games is not aimed at children. Educational programs have been successful in changing

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