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Nov-02-18 | Opposing Views |
(CNN)As President Donald Trump touched down Tuesday at Memphis International Airport to lead a rally in nearby Southaven, Mississippi, I was also crossing into Mississippi to attend a political event of a different kind. I was driving two hours to Cleveland, Mississippi, to speak on a panel with former Secretary of Agriculture Mike Espy, currently running for US Senate, on progressive, intergenerational leadership.
While we were in deep conversation about the continued movement for racial justice in the South, Trump was roughly 120 miles north of us, mocking Professor Christine Blasey Ford -- and every person in America who has been a victim of sexual assault.
It was dark as I drove home to Memphis and heard video of Trump's shocking retelling of Ford's testimony last week before the Senate Judiciary Committee, mimicking her in a belittling tone and accusing her of leaving Supreme Court nominee Judge Kavanaugh's life in "tatters" and his family's life "shattered." The darkness was fitting as I watched the elected leader of our nation take an even darker turn.
Trump's taunts of Professor Ford, and the cheers they elicited in the arena where the rally was held, set a precedent that further emboldens rape culture in our country. It was clear that Trump's only concern is for the life of the man accused by more than one woman of sexual assault or misconduct and not for the women who have lived with the trauma of being assaulted. Judge Kavanaugh has denied the allegations against him. As I drove, I could only think of the young women and the children who would hear the President's words and how their own voices would be muted by his lack of empathy and the bravado with which he sought to disempower his own accusers and those of Kavanaugh.
That our President said and did these things is a national disgrace, but that he did so in Mississippi and just outside Memphis is especially appalling. According todata from the US Department of Health and Human Services, 14% of high school girls in Mississippi reported being forced to have sex against their will, higherthan reported data nationally. Sunflower County, near where I was when Donald Trump was speaking, is part of the Mississippi Delta, the poorest part of the state. If a young girl in Sunflower County is sexually assaulted, her options for mental health care and reproductive health care are severely limited.
If that same girl's attacker impregnates her and she wants to terminate that pregnancy, she would have to find the resources to travel to the one abortion provider in the entire state in Jackson, the state capital. Southaven, where Trump spoke Tuesday night, is a more affluent part of the state, nearly 200 miles away, but there are still limited services for reproductive health care and sexual trauma recovery there, as well. By treating sexual assault survivors like fodder for a late-night TV monologue, Trump is blowing out a light of hope for many in a state where recovery options are far too few.
As I crossed the state line back into Memphis, I was still reeling, thinking of the many friends I have in Memphis who have bravely shared their stories of sexual assault in light of #MeToo. I reached out to one of them to see how Trump's words impacted her. "Hearing someone, who supposedly represents this country, mock the survivor of sexual assault makes my heart hurt," Angela Russell, a local business owner, told me. "It hurts for that woman, for every woman who has survived sexual assault, myself included. This is why women stay quiet."
She praised Professor Ford as "incredibly courageous for putting herself in the public eye in order to shed light on Kavanaugh's brutality and misogyny." But Ford is not the only one to brave public scrutiny. Earlier this year, Russell -- like Ford, who had to leave her home -- received threats when she publicly accused an abuser. Her business, in a city that during the past decade has led the nation's largest cities in female-owned business growth, was boycotted. In this context, Trump's words went further than impugning Ford's character. He attacked his own accusers of assault and misconduct. He attacked Russell. He attacked me and every other person in this country who has had to survive the trauma of being assaulted sexually.
In short, Donald Trump abused his power Tuesday night in my hometown. He engaged in the most powerful type of bullying and victim blaming and shaming we have seen as a country. To add further weight to the impact of his actions, he did this in the heart of the South, where women's ownership of their bodies slips swiftly through their fingers. Women in Tennessee wait with bated breath for the White House's decision on a waiver from the state legislature that would defund Planned Parenthood in our state. Rural hospitals are closing at rapid rates, leaving women without health care options. Some 12,000 rape kits sat untestedfor years, and the victims are found to have no standing. And the President stands in the midst of it all and laughs.
Kavanaugh vehemently denied the allegations.
But supporters of #MeToo say the Senate's vote to confirm Kavanaugh showed just how little the institutions of the American government have been touched by the cultural shift taking place in other realms of society.
Now, activists and survivors say they intend to channel their anger over his confirmation into political and legislative action for the midterms and beyond.
"There are things that have become evident in the course of this process, including that senators have completely abandoned their responsibility to the people, to hear the voices of their constituents," said Women's March Chief Operating Officer Rachel Carmona.
"As a result, we will be taking our power to the polls in November and voting them right out."
The first target of their political activism is the midterms, followed by the 2019 Women's March.
Then, all eyes will be on the 2020 general election.
Otherwise, activists and civil rights groups say they will continue working to strengthen laws and policies related to workplace harassment and prosecution of sex crimes, two key issues to arise from allegations against high profile figures in the past year.
Groups focused on sexual violence prevention say they plan to continue advocating for more treatment resources and education.
"We're in the middle of one of the most vibrant reckonings around sexual harassment and violence in more than a generation, and institutions have been struggling to catch up," said Fatima Goss Graves, president and CEO of the National Women's Law Center.
"We now understand that survivors can come forward, we've created spaces for that to happen, and now the job of institutions is to make sure they're not covering for abuse."
Terri Poore, policy director for the National Alliance to End Sexual Violence, says her organization and its affiliates have seen demand for their services -- and donations -- increase since #MeToo began.
Crisis hotlines also saw an uptick during the Kavanaugh hearings.
Given the hard line some companies have taken in response to allegations of sexual violence against high-profile men in their ranks, Poore was hopeful that those in the top levels of government would send a similarly strong message.
After initially calling Christine Blasey Ford a "good witness," President Trump "openly mocked a survivor" and cast suspicion on her account, Poore said.
Later, during an event marking Kavanaugh's confirmation, the President apologized to Kavanaugh for "the terrible pain and suffering" he and his family went through in the hearings.
But the President was far from the only person to question Ford's credibility due to gaps in her memory and her delay in reporting.
Assumptions about what survivors should remember or how they should behave contribute to fundamental misunderstandings about the nature of sex crimes and their impact on survivors, Poore said.
Research shows that memory gaps are common in traumatic events and that there are numerous well-founded reasons why people don't report.
The recognition of the impact of trauma on memory has led law enforcement agencies to revise techniques for interviewing sexual assault survivors.
Poore said that advocacy groups such as hers will continue working to educate the public on so-called "rape myths," consent, and how to be active bystanders.
The fight includes legislative advocacy to increase more funding through the re-authorization of the Violence Against Women Act, she said.
Support groups will keep pushing the message that they believe survivors, and that counseling and support groups are available for them.
Ideally, she said, such conversations would start in schools or come through in views expressed by the country's leaders.
"We want leaders at the top levels of power to be sending the kinds of messages about ending sexual violence that we know inspire change, and that's not happening," she said.
Kavanaugh's confirmation gives the court a conservative majority that is likely to shape case law for the next generation.
Progressive activists are worried about the implications for health care, reproductive rights, criminal justice policies and voting access, among other issues.
"What we stand to lose at this point is the rolling back of much of the progress that people have died and struggled to achieve," said Tamika Mallory, national co-chair for the Women's March.
While protesters were gathering in Washington to protest Kavanaugh's confirmation, organizers from numerous groups were training volunteers and activists for future actions, Mallory said.
They were registering voters and canvassing for black gubernatorial candidates Andrew Gillum in Florida and Stacey Abrams in Georgia, she said -- and they will continue to do so up until the midterms.
Mallory said another focus is raising awareness around ballot initiatives, such as one in Florida to restore voting rights to felons who meet certain criteria.
Such efforts are part of larger initiatives by numerous racial justice groups to increase voter participation among people of color, she said.
"People should be as frustrated and as angry as they want to be," Mallory said.
"They should be visibly in the streets, but that they must take that anger and frustration to the polls, and they cannot go to the polls alone.
They must make sure they take their families and communities with them."
After the midterms, Mallory said that training and preparations will continue for actions in states across the country, including the third annual Women's March.
Then, the focus will shift to engaging more women and people of color in the 2020 elections, she said, as voters and candidates.
She The People is a group that focuses on engaging women of color as candidates and members of an overlooked voting bloc.
"The country will not be saved by white women, it will be a multiracial force that will be led by women of color," said Aimee Allison, Democracy in Color President and She the People Founder.
"Our message is, we have to double down on our vision of expanding democracy.
If we continue to exercise our rights as members of society, the arc of justice will bend our way."
Feminist writer and activist Soraya Chemaly focuses on the role of gender in politics and pop culture.
Her latest book, "Rage Becomes Her: The Power of Women's Anger," focuses on how women can use changing narratives around female anger to their benefit.
She said she has noticed more white women getting involved in issues that women of color have been focusing on for years -- including #MeToo, which activist Tarana Burke started more than a decade ago.
And these white women are angry, she said, which can be a useful tool for social justice.
Not the "blind rage" that provokes violent acts or the denigration of other people, she said, but the kind that moves people to take up a cause they believe in.
"What we've seen in the last two years is a gradual awakening," she said.
"We're not even close to the arc."
Graves said the National Women's Law Center will continue to fight in court for those who experience harassment and assault in the workplace and schools.
And they will support efforts to fight statutes of limitations in rape cases, she said.
"Where the courts fail us, we will be seeking to put new laws and policies on books at the state and federal level, and we will be doing it with an extremely energized base behind us," Graves said.
Already in the past year, according to a new NWLC report, eleven states and two localities have passed laws to strengthen protections against workplace harassment.
Four jurisdictions expanded those protections to include independent contractors, interns or graduate students.
Five states enacted legislation that prohibits employers from requiring employees to sign nondisclosure agreements as a condition of employment, the report said, a mechanism perceived to silence victims and enable employers to hide harassment.
Poore said her group will continue advocating for laws that encourage survivors to report -- including the Congressional Accountability Act, which would overhaul how complaints are handled on Capitol Hill.
More work needs to be done to strengthen protections for people in blue collar jobs, Jess Morales Rocketto of the National Domestic Workers Alliance.
Her organization represents domestic workers, most of whom are women of color who are vulnerable to workplace sexual harassment and violence.
Rocketto said that, despite the threat to their cause that the Kavanaugh confirmation presents, she sees hope in the past year's progress.
As #MeToo gained momentum and continued through the nomination process, survivors found their voices by sharing their stories, she said.
And they're getting in lawmakers' faces, she said, pointing to the case of two women who confronted Republican Arizona Sen. Jeff Flake in an elevator and her own experience sharing her story with Republican Texas Sen. Ted Cruz.
"It's not just about a Supreme Court nomination, it's about women coming out and realizing their power and using their anger as a political force."
CNN's Ellie Kaufman contributed to this report.
(CNN)Like so many women, I remember.
I remember the couch I was sitting on watching Anita Hill speak to the Senate Judiciary Committee in 1991.
I remember the horrible feeling of watching that row of white male senators question -- and disbelieve -- her.
I remember my own depression, disbelief and dismay: feeling my throat tighten, furious and sad to watch this woman's account of her sexual harassment being minimized and dismissed.
I remember a mix of sadness, shame, horror.
Was this what would happen to me if I were ambitious, but also spoke up for myself?
Was this what would happen to my friends?
Like many women, I also remember being grateful, amazed by her bravery, by the work she was doing for us.
I remember learning the Muriel Rukeyser quote:
"What would happen if one woman told the truth about her life?
"The world would split open."
I remember feeling that Hill was willing to crack the world open a little farther by sharing such a personal pain on behalf of us all.
I remember understanding how the personal was political, how she was breaking a political silence that surrounds victims of sexual harassment and assault in shame.
I remember that she was speaking truth to power.
I remember my awe that she would tell these intimate sad truths to demand and insist that what happened to her be considered, be valued, be honored, be part of the record.
I remember how it felt important to insist this mattered.
I remember learning the term "sexual harassment," that it was something we could claim and we could own.
And I remember also feeling that Anita Hill was insisting on something better for all women and girls — that she was giving us new words, new rights.
We had the right to demand something better for our workplaces, for our childhoods, for our schools, for our bodies.
I remember also knowing that this was not a given but that we would need to demand it.
We had come some way as women, but we had so far to go.
I remember knowing that it didn't matter what we said if we wouldn't be listened to.
I knew that room full of white male senators doing the questioning would have to change.
Like many women, I felt then that it was our job to be the change, that our generation had to change it.
I was 15, and I was galvanized.
My friends and I were ready for a new wave of feminism.
We were ready to be activists.
We formed a high school chapter of the National Organization for Women.
We tried to pick up the mantle of activism from our mothers.
We worked to get Dianne Feinstein in office.
We organized a sexual harassment survey to find out how women in our high school felt treated.
Before the internet, we spent long nights with paper records, tallying our stories, joining our voices, finding ways to amplify our truths.
We worked for months to demand change at our school: We reported that we had been made to feel uncomfortable on our own campus, and we gathered the statistics that none of us were alone.
Many of us had been touched or groped or grabbed against our will.
One of the school's dark hallways was often where it happened, and there were problems in a certain classroom.
We were fledgling feminists.
We were ready to take on the system.
I'd like to say that we stayed galvanized, that the changes were permanent, but systems of oppression are tenacious, the work of activism draining, institutions slow to change.
Later, I attended a college where women felt they had to whisper what each knew about men who'd committed rape on campus; to warn others who might be a little bit "rapey."
Some of us cried in one another's bedrooms.
Some of us felt sure it was our fault.
Some of us left school rather than press charges.
When those of us who had been assaulted came forward, we were told we could press charges, but told it was really such a lot of hassle: Wouldn't we be more comfortable being silent?
Also, were we sure?
Also, was speaking worth it?
Also, wasn't that just how boys were?
This was the game.
Important people seemed to say: Your voice won't matter much, so suck it up and take it.
Maybe they were right.
Maybe the thing was to accommodate the power, and work to change it later.
Maybe the thing was to get quiet and low and assume things would never change.
Maybe silence was the best pragmatism there was.
We doubted ourselves.
And: We wanted to get by.
We wanted to succeed.
Maybe we hoped we could change things later.
Maybe we hoped we could skirt by without the damage damaging us.
And: We learned to be survivors.
We learned who we could tell and who we couldn't.
Later, when some of us went on to graduate school and our advisers asked us for sexual favors; or some of us went on the job market and were asked for sexual favors; or when people who were offering us jobs also wanted to grope us and found ways to corner us, we did not always speak out.
Some of us stopped feeling that we could speak out.
Some of us began to feel that rocking the boat would simply dump us in the water.
When we went to the university that employed us, we were told politely that perhaps it would be better for us to be silent.
We were reminded that we had comparatively little power; that we would derail our own careers by complaining.
Like so many women: I remember.
I remember feeling like it would be easier to push it under the rug.
I remember who did what and when.
I remember trying to calculate how to survive a situation, how to keep going; how to find a mentor who'd simply mentor; how to keep pushing forward in a culture that I knew well would prefer to discredit me, keep me powerless, keep me silent.
Sometimes I tally the losses, and sometimes I feel like it is wiser not to, for fear I will be too angry.
Thursday morning after dropping off my young daughter at school, I turned on the radio to hear Christine Blasey Ford's testimony.
I had to pull over to the side of the road to cry.
I cried because I believe her.
I cried because like many women, I know that story very well: Maybe a different bedroom, a different drunk, a different violence or violation, a different bad deal, a different indifferent laughter.
I cried because I am angry.
I cried because I want a world where my daughter trusts her voice and her stories will be listened to.
I want a world where my daughter has no such stories.
I'm sitting on a different couch now, watching Christine Blasey Ford and I am ready to be furious.
And what I feel — no matter what happens — is gratitude.
I am grateful to her for reminding us again —our voices matter, our stories matter, our bodies matter, and that we deserve a world in which we can speak truth to power.
Whatever happens, she's reminding us of this: She's charging us with the work ahead.
And there is so much work ahead.
There were three female senators in 1991.
Now there are 23.
Maybe soon there will be more.
And there must be more.
And I know how terrifying what she's doing is.
And she's doing it for all of us, so that we can find our voices and own our stories and say no more, no more, no more.
I don't know what will happen tomorrow, or the day after, and whether this group of senators will fail this woman -- and women -- once again.
But I keep thinking: Thank you, professor Blasey Ford.
I am not going back.
We are not going back.
There is no way on but through.
#MeToo becomes #IBelieveHer
It's all about the midterms
The women's movement gets more inclusive
The definition of workplace expands
Christine Blasey Ford turns pain into power
By Tess Taylor|Sep. 27th, 2018
Added November 02, 2018 at 2:04pm
by Bella Ingham
Title: Opposing Views
Washington (CNN)President Donald Trump continued to stand behind his Supreme Court nominee Brett Kavanaugh on Tuesday, even as senators grapple with how to move forward after a woman has accused the judge of a decades-old sexual assault.
"This is is not a man who deserves this," Trump said, adding that the allegations "should've been brought up long ago."
Kavanaugh has denied the allegations.
Trump also criticized Democrats and California Sen. Dianne Feinstein, the top Democrat on the Judiciary Committee, for not bringing up the letter during what he described as a "long, long meeting."
"Why didn't she bring it up then? Because they (Democrats) obstruct and because they resist - that's the name of their campaign against me. They just resist and they just obstruct," he said.
That said, Trump echoed that he and Republicans believe "we should go through a process."
"There shouldn't be a doubt," he said.
"Hopefully the woman will come forward, state her case. He will state his case before members of the US Senate," he said.
Senators "will look at what she had to say from 36 years ago ... and we will see what happens."
Trump reiterated that he feels "terribly" for Kavanaugh and his wife, as well as his "beautiful young daughters."
Later on Tuesday night, Trump tweeted he hoped GOP voters are watching what he called the "Democrats Playbook."
"The Supreme Court is one of the main reasons I got elected President. I hope Republican Voters, and others, are watching, and studying, the Democrats Playbook," Trump tweeted.
Trump said earlier in the day that he does not believe the FBI should delve any further into the decades-old sexual assault allegation leveled against Kavanaugh, claiming the FBI does not want to be involved.
"I don't think the FBI really should be involved because they don't want to be involved," Trump said.
Trump's comments came as Senate Democrats ramped up calls for the White House to direct the FBI to reopen Kavanaugh's background investigation before any hearings on the allegation of sexual assault leveled over the weekend against the Supreme Court nominated judge can proceed.
The Senate Judiciary Committee has invited both Kavanaugh and Christine Blasey Ford, his accuser, to testify before the committee on Monday.
A Justice Department spokesperson said in a statement on Monday that the FBI forwarded the letter it received last week from Feinstein, which described the initially confidential allegation of sexual assault against Kavanaugh, to the White House Counsel's Office.
"The FBI does not make any judgment about the credibility or significance of any allegation," the spokesperson said, pointing to a 2010 memorandum of understanding between then-Attorney General Eric Holder and White House Counsel Bob Bauer. "Consistent with the memorandum of understanding, the FBI forwarded this letter to the White House Counsel's Office. The allegation does not involve any potential federal crime. The FBI's role in such matters is to provide information for the use of the decision makers."
Trump has previously voiced suspicion about the #MeToo movement in private, complaining that allegations made decades later can ruin a man's life, people familiar with those conversations say. He has questioned why women wait so long to come forward if they are telling the truth.
During the 2016 campaign, at least 15 women accused Trump of misbehavior ranging from sexual harassment and sexual assault to lewd behavior around women. They came forward in the wake of a 2005 "Access Hollywood" tape that was released in October 2016 in which he is caught saying on a hot mic: "And when you're a star, they let you do it. You can do anything ... Grab them by the p****. You can do anything."
But the White House -- through press secretary Sarah Sanders and others -- has dismissed all the allegations against him as old news that had been litigated during the campaign.
When his staff secretary Rob Porter was accused by two ex-wives of spousal abuse, Trump expressed sorrow that a promising young aide's life had been ruined, even as he recognized that Porter could no longer work at the White House.
CNN's Laura Jarrett and Kevin Liptak contributed to this report.
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