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"West India Emancipation" (excerpt), by Frederick Douglass (1857)

Author: Frederick Douglass


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On August 3, 1857, Frederick Douglass delivered a “West India Emancipation” speech at Canandaigua, New York, on the twenty-third anniversary of the event. Most of the address was a history of British efforts toward emancipation as well as a reminder of the crucial role of the West Indian slaves in that own freedom struggle. However shortly after he began Douglass sounded a foretelling of the coming Civil War when he uttered two paragraphs that became the most quoted sentences of all of his public orations. They began with the words, “If there is no struggle, there is no progress.” The last half of the speech appears below, along with images from images from a couple of pages from the originally published text of the speech.

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Nov 19
Aomi Castro (Nov 19 2018 3:50PM) : Do our students understand that there are valuable lessons, benefits and truths in the struggle? Do our students understand that their circumstances can change, but they have to put forth the effort to see that change? Do our students understand.. [Edited]
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The general sentiment of mankind is that a man who will not fight for himself, when he has the means of doing so, is not worth being fought for by others, and this sentiment is just. For a man who does not value freedom for himself will never value it for others, or put himself to any inconvenience to gain it for others. Such a man, the world says, may lie down until he has sense enough to stand up. It is useless and cruel to put a man on his legs, if the next moment his head is to be brought against a curbstone.

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A man of that type will never lay the world under any obligation to him, but will be a moral pauper, a drag on the wheels of society, and if he too be identified with a peculiar variety of the race he will entail disgrace upon his race as well as upon himself. The world in which we live is very accommodating to all sorts of people. It will cooperate with them in any measure which they propose; it will help those who earnestly help themselves, and will hinder those who hinder themselves. It is very polite, and never offers its services unasked. Its favors to individuals are measured by an unerring principle in this—viz., respect those who respect themselves, and despise those who despise themselves. It is not within the power of unaided human nature to persevere in pitying a people who are insensible to their own wrongs and indifferent to the attainment of their own rights. The poet was as true to common sense as to poetry when he said,

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Who would be free, themselves must strike the blow.

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When O’Connell, with all Ireland at his back, was supposed to be contending for the just rights and liberties of Ireland, the sympathies of mankind were with him, and even his enemies were compelled to respect his patriotism. Kossuth, fighting for Hungary with his pen long after she had fallen by the sword, commanded the sympathy and support of the liberal world till his own hopes died out. The Turks, while they fought bravely for themselves and scourged and drove back the invading legions of Russia, shared the admiration of mankind. They were standing up for their own rights against an arrogant and powerful enemy; but as soon as they let out their fighting to the Allies, admiration gave way to contempt. These are not the maxims and teachings of a coldhearted world. Christianity itself teaches that man shall provide for his own house. This covers the whole ground of nations as well as individuals. Nations no more than individuals can innocently be improvident. They should provide for all wants—mental, moral and religious—and against all evils to which they are liable as nations. In the great struggle now progressing for the freedom and elevation of our people, we should be found at work with all our might, resolved that no man or set of men shall be more abundant in labors, according to the measure of our ability, than ourselves.

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I know, my friends, that in some quarters the efforts of colored people meet with very little encouragement. We may fight, but we must fight like the Sepoys of India, under white officers. This class of Abolitionists don’t like colored celebrations, they don’t like colored conventions, they don’t like colored antislavery fairs for the support of colored newspapers. They don’t like any demonstrations whatever in which colored men take a leading part. They talk of the proud Anglo-Saxon blood as flippantly as those who profess to believe in the natural inferiority of races. Your humble speaker has been branded as an ingrate, because he has ventured to stand up on his own and to plead our common cause as a colored man, rather than as a Garrisonian. I hold it to be no part of gratitude to allow our white friends to do all the work, while we merely hold their coats. Opposition of the sort now referred to is partisan position, and we need not mind it. The white people at large will not largely be influenced by it. They will see and appreciate all honest efforts on our part to improve our condition as a people.

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Let me give you a word of the philosophy of reform. The whole history of the progress of human liberty shows that all concessions yet made to her august claims have been born of earnest struggle. The conflict has been exciting, agitating, all-absorbing, and for the time being, putting all other tumults to silence. It must do this or it does nothing. If there is no struggle there is no progress. Those who profess to favor freedom and yet deprecate agitation are men who want crops without plowing up the ground; they want rain without thunder and lightning. They want the ocean without the awful roar of its many waters.

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Nov 19
Tabari Bomani (Nov 19 2018 3:28PM) : 7. When I was 17 and a freshman at Hofstra through the HEOP Program I had to recite this every night and then explain it. It has become a mantra for over 1000 people with the same experience
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Nov 19
Royce Denis (Nov 19 2018 3:42PM) : Do you believe it has changed your life, your understanding of life?
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Mr. Otis Robinson (Nov 19 2018 3:46PM) : "if there is no struggle there is no progress" more

I agree with the quote, I had subjects that I struggled with but overall in time I became proficient.

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Nov 19
Frederick Underwood (Nov 19 2018 3:31PM) : Moral resistance is necessary to evoke equity.
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Tabari Bomani (Nov 19 2018 3:37PM) : I agree the question is who determines the morality
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Royce Denis (Nov 19 2018 3:41PM) : How? Please elaborate.
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Royce Denis (Nov 19 2018 3:42PM) : How? Can you please elaborate?
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Mr. Otis Robinson (Nov 19 2018 3:36PM) : How students design class projects where students can model "if there is no struggle there is no progress."
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Tabari Bomani (Nov 19 2018 3:37PM) : phenomenal questions
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Marshay Smith (Nov 19 2018 3:39PM) : I wish our students could understand that there are benefits in struggling
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Nov 19
Mark Rose (Nov 19 2018 3:45PM) : "we must pay for their removal ...." How do we teach our youth and our community to work smarter not harder? What does Frederick Douglass mean when he says this?
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Marjorie Preacely (Nov 19 2018 1:49PM) : Summary [Edited] more

The author is saying that progress cannot exist without struggle or resistance.

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Tabari Bomani (Nov 19 2018 3:31PM) : I wonder if this si true about all "progress" or just progress for the oppressed
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Nov 19
Marjorie Preacely (Nov 19 2018 3:40PM) : worth having-worth fighting for more

It’s just like the old adage that “nothing worth having comes easy”. I imagine freedom and equality is worth having and must be “fought” for by any means necessary.

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This struggle may be a moral one, or it may be a physical one, and it may be both moral and physical, but it must be a struggle. Power concedes nothing without a demand. It never did and it never will. Find out just what any people will quietly submit to and you have found out the exact measure of injustice and wrong which will be imposed upon them, and these will continue till they are resisted with either words or blows, or with both. The limits of tyrants are prescribed by the endurance of those whom they oppress. In the light of these ideas, Negroes will be hunted at the North and held and flogged at the South so long as they submit to those devilish outrages and make no resistance, either moral or physical. Men may not get all they pay for in this world, but they must certainly pay for all they get. If we ever get free from the oppressions and wrongs heaped upon us, we must pay for their removal. We must do this by labor, by suffering, by sacrifice, and if needs be, by our lives and the lives of others.

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Nov 19
Frederick Underwood (Nov 19 2018 3:36PM) : To paraphrase Dr. KIng who once stated, "The ultimate tragedy of society is not the acts of the evil, but it is the silence of the good people." This epitomizes what this paragraph is about.
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Tabari Bomani (Nov 19 2018 3:29PM) : I wonder if our students could explain this? What does this mean for their lives?
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Nov 19
Frederick Underwood (Nov 19 2018 3:46PM) : It simply means that significant struggle always comes before great progress. Our students must not be ashamed to struggle. It is must be embraced in order to produce meaningful progress.
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Nov 19
Jennifer Giacalone (Nov 19 2018 3:43PM) : This makes me think of taking control.
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Tabari Bomani (Nov 19 2018 3:30PM) : What is the cost of freedom?
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Tabari Bomani (Nov 19 2018 3:33PM) : Is Douglass suggesting violent rebellion? What does he mean by "The Lives of Others"; who are the "others"
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Marjorie Preacely (Nov 19 2018 3:46PM) : liberty or death more

I would have to say yes. He is suggesting a violent rebellion, because to the extent that the oppressed allows it, the oppression with continue and/or worsen. If the oppressed would rather die than be oppressed the oppression would end one way or the other – either by radical change to a new order or death.

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Tabari Bomani (Nov 19 2018 3:35PM) : What does this mean? How do we remove it

Hence, my friends, every mother who, like Margaret Garner, plunges a knife into the bosom of her infant to save it from the hell of our Christian slavery, should be held and honored as a benefactress. Every fugitive from slavery who, like the noble William Thomas at Wilkes Barre, prefers to perish in a river made red by his own blood to submission to the hell hounds who were hunting and shooting him should be esteemed as a glorious martyr, worthy to be held in grateful memory by our people. The fugitive Horace, at Mechanicsburgh, Ohio, the other day, who taught the slave catchers from Kentucky that it was safer to arrest white men than to arrest him, did a most excellent service to our cause. Parker and his noble band of fifteen at Christiana, who defended themselves from the kidnappers with prayers and pistols, are entitled to the honor of making the first successful resistance to the Fugitive Slave Bill. But for that resistance, and the rescue of Jerry and Shadrack, the man hunters would have hunted our hills and valleys here with the same freedom with which they now hunt their own dismal swamps.

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There was an important lesson in the conduct of that noble Krooman in New York the other day, who, supposing that the American Christians were about to enslave him, betook himself to the masthead and with knife in hand said he would cut his throat before he would be made a slave. Joseph Cinque, on the deck of the Amistad, did that which should make his name dear to us. He bore nature’s burning protest against slavery. Madison Washington who struck down his oppressor on the deck of the Creole, is more worthy to be remembered than the colored man who shot Pitcairn at Bunker Hill.

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My friends, you will observe that I have taken a wide range, and you think it is about time that I should answer the special objection to this celebration. I think so too. This, then, is the truth concerning the inauguration of freedom in the British West Indies. Abolition was the act of the British government. The motive which led the government to act no doubt was mainly a philanthropic one, entitled to our highest admiration and gratitude. The national religion, the justice and humanity cried out in thunderous indignation against the foul abomination, and the government yielded to the storm. Nevertheless a share of the credit of the result falls justly to the slaves themselves. “Though slaves, they were rebellious slaves.” They bore themselves well. They did not hug their chains, but according to their opportunities, swelled the general protest against oppression. What Wilberforce was endeavoring to win from the British senate by his magic eloquence the slaves themselves were endeavoring to gain by outbreaks and violence. The combined action of one and the other wrought out the final result. While one showed that slavery was wrong, the other showed that it was dangerous as well as wrong. Mr. Wilberforce, peace man though he was, and a model of piety, availed himself of this element to strengthen his case before the British Parliament, and warned the British government of the danger of continuing slavery in the West Indies. There is no doubt that the fear of the consequences, acting with a sense of the moral evil of slavery, led to its abolition. The spirit of freedom was abroad in the Islands. Insurrection for freedom kept the planters in a constant state of alarm and trepidation. A standing army was necessary to keep the slaves in their chains. This state of facts could not be without weight in deciding the question of freedom in these countries.

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I am aware that the rebellious disposition of the slaves was said to arise out of the discussion which the Abolitionists were carrying on at home, and it is not necessary to refute this alleged explanation. All that I contend for is this: that the slaves of the West Indies did fight for their freedom, and that the fact of their discontent was known in England, and that it assisted in bringing about that state of public opinion which finally resulted in their emancipation. And if this be true, the objection is answered.

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Again, I am aware that the insurrectionary movements of the slaves were held by many to be prejudicial to their cause. This is said now of such movements at the South. The answer is that abolition followed close on the heels of insurrection in the West Indies, and Virginia was never nearer emancipation than when General Turner kindled the fires of insurrection at Southampton.

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Sir, I have now more than filled up the measure of my time. I thank you for the patient attention given to what I have had to say. I have aimed, as I said at the beginning, to express a few thoughts having some relation to the great interest of freedom both in this country and in the British West Indies, and I have said all that I mean to say, and the time will not permit me to say more.

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Sources:

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Frederick Douglass, Two Speeches by Frederick Douglass. (Rochester, 1857).

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DMU Timestamp: November 09, 2018 23:10

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Nov 19
Mr. Otis Robinson (Nov 19 2018 3:31PM) : How can we analyze student learning based on that quote?
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Nov 19
Royce Denis (Nov 19 2018 3:33PM) : What is deprecate? Why is he comparing freedom to thunder and lightning? [Edited]
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Nov 19
Mark Rose (Nov 19 2018 3:34PM) : Positive change does not come without struggle.
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Nov 19
Marshay Smith (Nov 19 2018 3:42PM) : i totally agree
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