IN SEARCH OF RESPECT
Selling Crack in El Barrio
Second Edition
PHILIPPE BOURGOIS
University of California, San Francisco
3
CRACKHOUSE MANAGEMENT:
ADDICTION, DISCIPLINE, AND
!
. DIGNITY
Hell, yeah, I felt good when I owned the Game Room. In those days everybody be looking for me; everybody needed me. When I drove up, people be opening the door for me, and offering to wash my car. Even kids too little to understand anything about drugs looked up to me.
Felix
The logistics of selling crack are not dramatically different from those of any other risky private sector retail enterprise. Selling high-volume, inexpensive products is an inherently boring undertaking that requires honest, disciplined workers in order to be successful. Such businesses are inherently rife with traditional management versus labor confrontations, as well as internal jealousies or rivalries within employee hierarchies. It is only the omnipresent danger, the high profit margin, and the desperate tone of addiction that prevent crack dealing from becoming overwhelmingly routine and tedious. The details of how the Game Room was run during the years I lived next to it provide a good example of these dynamics.
Living with Crack
Ray did not found the Game Room. The person who actually established the z yc-square-fcot video game arcade as a crackhouse was a childhood friend of his named Felix, who was also Primo's first cousin. Felix did not run a tight operation; he reveled too much in street-corner glory and consequently did not insulate himself from the police by hiring a manager, or at least some intermediary worker-assistants, to make the actual
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In Search of Respect
The Game Room crackhouse. Photo by Philippe Bourgois.
hand-to-hand sales. Instead, for the first year after opening shop he ran every detail of his crackhouse operation with the exception of the "cooking" of the crack - its processing - which he delegated to his wife, Candy, in traditional patriarchal style. The bulk of Felix's energy at the Game Room was devoted to cultivating sexual liaisons with addicted women - especially teenage girls.
During this early phase of the crack epidemic in late 1985, Primo was one of Felix's steadiest customers. He had lost his job as a messengerclerk at a typesetting shop, had broken up with his wife, and had abandoned all pretense of supporting their two-and-a-half-year-old son. Instead, he had returned home to his fifty-year-old mother's nineteenthfloor housing project apartment, where he shared a cramped bedroom with one of his three older sisters. While his mother sewed all day in the living room for an off-the-books garment subcontractor to supplement her welfare payments, Primo dedicated himself full time to hustling and robbing for his crack habit.
In later years, in front of his friends, workers, and even his customers, Primo enjoyed reminiscing about the desperate year he spent as a crack addict:
Crackhouse Management
Primo: I was in my own habit world. I didn't give a fuck about anything.
Let me tell you about one time when I was on a mission [crack binge}. I wanted a blast [catching the eyes of his crack-addicted lookout Caesar}.
Caksar: [spinning around from his position in the doorway} Yeah, yeah. Your only worry was making a cloud in your stem [glass crack pipe}.
Primo: One time I was with my homeboy and his girl. We saw this Mexican sleeping on the floor in the lobby of my aunt's building. He was just probably drunk. He looked like he had a job, maybe, because a homeless would not have had a gold ring.
As soon as I saw him, I just went, "Ti; times la bora" [You got the time}? And as he got the time [making the motion of looking at a wristwatch], I grabbed him by the back of the neck, and put my 007 [knife}! in his back [grabbing me in a choke hold from behind}, I put it in his back - right here [releasing me to point to his lower spine}. And I was jigging him hard! [grinning, and catching his girlfriend Maria's eye}.
Caesar: Them Mexican people get drunk like real crazy man.
Everybody be ripping them off; they easy prey 'cause they illegal most of them.
Primo: I said: "No te mueua cabron 0 te voy a picar como tin pemil" [Don't move motherfucker or I'll stick you like a roasted pig}. [we all chuckle.}
Yeah, yeah, like a piece of pernil - a pork shoulder ... like how you stab a pork shoulder when you want to put all the flavoring in the holes.
Caesar: Everybody take Mexicans like a joke. It's a little crime wave. Mexicans be fucked-up with crime in New York. That's like the new thing to do.
Primo: The Mexican panicked. He looked like he wanted to escape, but the more he tried to escape, the more I wouldn't let go and the more I was jigging him.
And I had a big 007. I wasn't playing, either, I was serious. I would have jigged him. Ifhe would have made an attempt, I would have went like CHKKK [grimacing painfully while twisting his wrist forward in a slow-motion stab}.
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In searcn OJ «espea
And I'd regret it later, but I was looking at that gold ring he had. [chuckle].
I put the Mexican to the floor, poking him hard, and my
homeboy's girl started searching him.
I said, "Take everything, man! Search for everything!"
She found his chain. I said, "Yo, take that asshole's fucking
ring too.
He was going: [imitating a high-pitched whine] "Oh no! Por
favor, por favor!"
It must have been like a thing he treasured, maybe. He was
saying "Take whatever else, but not the ring." I said, "Fuck that shit, you don't have enough money homeboy. [gruffly barking his words like a foreman at a construction site] Take the fucking ring
off his finger!"
After she took the ring we broke out. We sold the ring and then
we cut out on her to go get a blast.
Caesar: Yeah, yeah. You was smoking heavenly.
Primo: We left her in the park, she didn't even get a cent. Caesar: Smokin' lovely.
Primo: She helped for nothing - got jerked.
Caesar: [frazzled by his images of smoking crack] The only reason I get high is because I love it. The first blast is the best'est one. It's like a Ruffle potato chip. You just can't have one. You need more, 'cause it's good.
It's a brain thing. It's thick. Once you take that first blast, then
the whole night is going to be a total adventure into madness. It's just a thing, you have to have more.
Primo: Chill the fuck out Caesar! Why you always be interrupting
me when I'm talking with Felipe?
At the height of his own crack-smoking days, Primo's life took a dramatic turn when Felix's out-of-control machismo provided him with a brand-new, well-paid job opportunity.
Felix was hanging around with some woman in a hotel in New Jersey. It was on the second floor, and Candy - his wife - had found out about it and came looking for him.
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Cracebouse Management
And so Felix jumped off from the second floor landing and he fucked up his foot, so he couldn't work.?
The next day Felix asked me if I would help him out. From that day on, I just stood working here.
Once Felix's ankle recovered, he maintained Primo as manager of daily sales in order to devote even more time to hanging out on the street. He came frequently to the Game Room to display his "sexual conquests" - usually crack-addicted young women. Felix's antics allowed Primo to keep his job, which provided the stability and sense of self-worth that finally allowed him to kick his crack habit after twelve months of steady smoking.
Primo's dream of going straight almost came to a crashing end when Felix's wife, Candy, who was six months pregnant at the time, shot Felix in the stomach to punish him for sleeping with her sister. As soon as Felix recovered from his hospital stay, he was sent "upstate" to prison to serve an unrelated two- to four-year prison sentence for weapons possession. Candy immediately sold the rights to the Game Room for $3,000 to Ray, who himself had just completed a four-year sentence upstate for assault with a deadly weapon, following his $14,000 rooftop shoot-out above the heroin den he was holding up.
Restructuring Management at the Game Room
After a tense week or two of negotiations, which temporarily drove Primo back to binging on crack, Ray maintained Primo as manager of the Game Room on an eight-hour shift from 4:00 p.m. to midnight. The price of vials was dropped to five dollars to make them more competitive with two new teenage outfits operating in the stairwells of the housing project opposite the Game Room where vials were selling for three dollars and even two dollars on discount nights. Primo was to be paid on a piece-rate basis, receiving one dollar for every five dollars he sold. Primo had been held up at shotgun point several weeks earlier and obtained the right from Ray to hire any lookouts or assistants he wanted, so long as he paid them out of his own piece-rate wages. Ray imposed stricter limits, however, on the behavior of noncustomer visitors in order to reduce crowding and noise levels on the stoop in front of the crackhouse.
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In Search of Respect
Ray proved to be a brilliant labor relations manager. Over the years, I watched him systematically extract higher and higher profit margins from his problematic workers. Having grown up in EI Barrio as a gang leader in the early 1970s, he knew how to discipline his workforce firmly without overstepping culturally defined rules of mutual respect. He knew exactly where to set violent limits, and when to express friendship and flexible understanding without ever revealing vulnerability.
Ray was particularly skillful in his manipulation of kinship networks to ensure the loyalty of his often addicted and violent workers. The majority of his employees were blood-related kin, or were affiliated through marriage, or had been incorporated through a fictive kinship arrangement. He asked Primo, for example, to be the godfather of one of . his sons, thereby establishing a com padre relationship. The institution of compadrazgo is a powerful tradition in Puerto Rican culture that sanctifies solidarity and reciprocal obligations between men. Ironically, several generations earlier, back in the mountains of rural Puerto Rico, local landlords had probably manipulated this same paternalistic godfather institution to coerce the indebted day-labor of Ray and Primo's grandfathers or great-grandfathers. 3 In his more modern context, Ray also benefited from the contemporary street-culture kinship arrangements that oblige women to establish serial households with different men through their life cycles. Hence, his childhood friendship with his employee, Luis, was cemented into a quasi kin-relationship by their having fathered children with the same woman.
In the first few weeks following his takeover of the Game Room, Ray's business acumen - specifically his lowering of prices and his raising of the quality of the product - made business boom. The Game Room easily ourcornpeted the low-quality powder cocaine sold out of a grocery store four doors down as, well as the budget-rate crack hawked by teenage crews in the project stairwells across the street. An immediate crisis for control of the site erupted, however, when a police offensive against drug dealing in public school playgrounds pushed several Dominican-run heroin companies onto the block. All of a sudden our sidewalk was swarmed by half a dozen four-man teams, each with two lookouts, one pitcher, and a runner. After some tense face-offs, Ray pressured the Dominican managers to respect his space and move across the avenue.
Within a few months, Ray had invested his, Game Room profits into
Crackhouse Management
opening two new franchises: one - which was relatively short-lived _ in the second-floor apartment of a condemned building being renovated by New York City funds to become subsidized public housing; and the other, the Social Club on La Farmacia's corner by the Hell Gate POSt office. During this initial period of expansion Primo basked in a distinctly privileged position within Ray's budding network of crackhouses:
I was the first one of the regular crew to start working with this guy [Ray]. I was saving money; I wasn't getting high _ only a few beers occasionally. And I used to hang out with Ray. At that time, he didn't have no cars yet. He use to be on foot. And I use to stay with him, hanging around every night .
Both of us used to go home with a knot [wad of bills] and save a coupla' hundreds. The next day, I used to come down with change - you know, thirty or forty dollars - money in my pocket to spend while I was working.
As a formal, founding member of Ray's growing organization, Primo was eligible for the benefits that are part of a crack dealer's pay _ such as bail money and lawyer's fees, bonus payments during special holidays (Christmas, Easter, and Father's Day), periodic gifts for his son, and an occasional lobster dinner at Orchard Beach, Coney Island, or Far Rockaway. Primo's lookouts, on the other hand, were a step lower in the hierarchy. There is probably no work site in the legal economy where Primo could ever aspire realistically to becoming a manager, or even a privileged employee within his first year of being hired. Toward the end of my residence on the block, I frequently asked Primo to give me retrospective accounts of the half-dozen workers he had hired over the five years I knew him at the Game Room.
Primo: [sitting on a car hood in front of the Game Room} The first one that worked for me was Willie. I used to feed him and give him a coupla' dollars at the end of the day.
After him came Little Pete - I used to give him a hundred and fifty dollars a week. Strictly one fifty - plus beers - things like that. After Little Pete came Benzie because Little Pete got promoted fast by Ray to the Club [on La Farmacia's corner}.
In Search of Respect·
I used to pay Benzie daily. I used to give him thirty-five or forty dollars, sometimes fifty on a good night - which is not a lot - but I was treating Benzie better than the others. So after a while I let Benzie keep half and half. Me and him, we used to split everything.
I hired Caesar permanently because of problems between Benzie and Ray. Before that Caesar was only part time because he was always acting too stupid: He used to get jealous because of Benzie. But I told Caesar, "You can't sell, 'cause you're a crackhead and you fuck up."
There's always a problem paying Caesar. I don't know what to do with that nigga' [waving dismissively '~t Caesar, who was standing in the doorway]. He's been acting stupid. I gotta talk to him.
Philippe: You sound like a fuckin' hard-ass boss, complaining about your workers' attitude problems.
Primo: Nah Felipe. I don't act like no boss. I don't bitch. I have never succeeded with power in here. Even when I had little thirteen-year-old Junior helping me out - you know, Felix's son - he would say "Okay, okay, shut up already" to me when I would tell him to do something.
The only time I have fulL authority is when I'm really pissed off, but I don't really want to boss you around just to boss you around.
I have to keep things from getting too fucked up here because I'm responsible. If anything is missing, I'm gonna hear it from Ray.
All of them [waving disdainfully at Caesar again] used to like to take over the whole show.
[loud gunshots]. Yo! Chill out Felipe. Why you so petro?
So . . . after I put Benzie to work, he used to act like he owned the whole show. It's like he feels power just because he's dealing, so he feels like he could diss [disrespect] all the customers. He used to dish [mispronunciation of diss] some good people, especially all the men.
He dissed them, like ... like they were kids - like shit. And these guys, they do what they do, but they're human beings and they're cool, you know. I used to tell him lots of times to "cool the fuck out." I'd have to tell him "I know this guy; talk to him nicely. Respetalo, bro!" [respect him]. But he wouldn't play by the rules.
CrackhoZlse Management
He was treating people like shit. So I brought Caesar back, but tambiin [also] he thinks he's running the whole show.
Philippe: Isn't Caesar worse than Benzie?
Primo: Bohf [both] are bad. But Caesar is worser because he don't give! a fuck about anybody. I don't even trust him anymore.
Indeed, I vividly remember Benzie chanting triumphantly to oncoming Customers, "That's right, rnah' man! Come on! Keep on killing yourself; bring me that money; smoke yourself to death; make me rich." Of course, Primo ultimately was not much more Courteous to his clients. He sometimes joined his colleagues in ridiculing the walking human carcasses that so many street-level crack addicts become after several months of smoking. In the Game Room, this was often conjugated by an explicitly racist and sexist dynamic:
Caesar: Felipe, you shoulda seen these two dirty moyo motherfuckers who came by here earlier. It was a moreno [African-American]4 and his girl.
Primo: [laughing] She slipped on her ass walking out the door. Caesar: And she rnusra broke that ass, 'cause she tripped and fell face first.
Primo: I saw her limping ...
Caesar: She got damaged, man, because she hit that iron thing that we got there stuck in the cement.
She limped off. She limped away real fucked up. But homeboy didn't give a fuck that his woman fell down; he just walked away. [perhaps noticing my silence, he shook his head righteously] It was wrong, boy.
Primo: [ignoring me and laughing at Caesar's righteousness] No man, he was thirsty!
Caesar: Yeah! Yeah! He was like, "Fuck her. Ah'rn'a' smoke." [inhaling deeply with a blissful grin, and then spinning around to face me] I don't care what you think Felipe, morenos be more fucked up and eviler than Puerto Ricans. Because when she fell I said, "Oh, shit, you all right there?"
But her man, he was like . . . he jumped over her and walked out in front of her.
Curbing Addiction and Channeling Violence
Primo's close friendship with Caesar was a complicated one. Caesar's drinking often unleashed uncontrollable outbursts of aggression and when he binged on crack - which was almost every time he got paid - he ended up borrowing or stealing from everyone around him. Nevertheless, for the last three years of my residence on the block Caesar and Primo were inseparable. Caesar lasted the longest of all the lookouts and other crackhouse assistants whom Primo hired.
Sometimes I thought Primo tolerated Caesar's poor work discipline because he sympathized with Caesar's crack addiction. He seemed to be providing Caesar with the same kind of supportive environment for quitting that he had been afforded by Felix when he was first hired to sell at the Game Room. At other times I suspected that the reason all of Primo's subcontracted employees - Willie, Benzie, Little Pete, and Caesar - were crack addicts was because this enabled Primo to pay them lower wages and to impo_se more dependent working conditions. Often he substituted payments-in-kind (vials of crack) for cash remuneration at the end of the shift. Of course, Primo did not have much choice since most of the people in his world were crack users. On a few occasions, Primo acknowledged his manipulation of the addiction of his workers as well as his own dependence on Ray for steady cash to buy powder cocaine and alcohol for himself.
Primo: It was stupid slow tonight. The shit we're selling is whack. I've only got thirty dollars for me, and I gotta give half to Caesar.
But since it's so slow we just don't give each other money, we just spend it together.
Plus, you see, we had already borrowed motley from Ray from before so we have to pay himback little by little.
As if to illustrate his words, almost without breaking stride, Primo handed a ten-dollar bill to an emaciated coke seller who happened to be standing in our path, and pocketed a half-inch-long vial of white powder. Caesar had walked ahead of us and did not hear Primo whisper to me:
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Primo: Caesar doesn't really keep track of it. I can jerk him. It's not no fifty-fifty thing.
Despite regularly drinking liquor and sniffing cocaine with Caesar, Primo genuinely tried to wean his friend and worker away from his more destructive and uncontrollable crack binging. Over the years, he experimented with half a dozen different schemes to rehabilitate Caesar and convert him into a more disciplined worker.
Caesar was always fucking up. He always wanted me to pay him each night, but then he'd take the money and break Out to smoke. He'd come find me later, begging me for more money.
I'd say, "You stupid? I paid you already. Don't do that shit to me. You crazy, boy? Don't ask me for no money. I gave you your fucking pay."
Then the next day, he wouldn't show up for work or he'd come late. So then I didn't use to pay him daily. I used to pay him at the end of the week when Ray pays me.
Even that didn't work. [pausing to sniff out of a folded dollar bill full of powder cocaine] I was tired of him doing that to me. So one day, when I paid him, I said, "If you go and fuck this up and don't come in tomorrow. I'm not going to keep on working with you no more, because I'm getting tired of you."
Shortly after that is when I hired Benzie, who was still one of my customers at the time.
A year or so earlier, Primo had fired his friend Willie - nicknamed "O.D." because of his overdose-style of binging - for exactly the same reason. According to Primo, O. D.'s addiction was even more unacceptable since he smoked during work hours. Under pressure from his father, Willie joined the army. He was the only person in Ray's network able to enter the military because he was the only one to have a high school degree - which he had obtained on a fluke affirmative action program in a downtown elite private high school that has since declared bankruptcy. Trained as a tank driver, he miraculously escaped the Gulf War in January 1991 when he happened to be on furlough in East Harlem binging on crack. He simply prolonged his binge and went AWOL.
Despite Primo's perennial complaints - compared to an addict like OD or a street culture prima donna like Benzie - Caesar did an excellent job as lookout. He personified the personal logic of violence in the street's overarching culture of terror by intimidating everyone around him with his reputation for unpredictable outbursts of rage. The only person who ever disrespected the Game Room premises while Caesar was on duty was a jealous young man high on angel dust. He was subsequently carried away from the premises with a fractured skull. I cannot forget hearing the nauseating thump of the baseball bat that caught the offending man squarely on the forehead just as the Game Room door behind me shut as I was fleeing the scene. Primo later confided in me that he had to restrain Caesar after three blows to keep him from killing the man while he lay unconscious on the floor. Caesar loved to remind me and anyone else within earshot of the event. It was good public relations for ensuring the security of the premises. 5
Caesar: That nigga' was talking shit for a long time, about how we pussy. How he fuckin' control the block and how: [putting his hands on his hips and waving his head back and forth, imitating a spoiled child's taunts] "I can do whatever I want."
And we were trying to take it calm like until he starts talkin' rhis'n'that, about how he gonna drop "a dime on us [report us to the police}.
That's when I grabbed the bat - I looked at the ax that Primo keeps behind the Pac-Man but then I said, "No; I want something that's going to be short and compact. I onl~ .gotta swing a short distance to clock the shit out of this motherfucker."
[shouting out the Game Room door] You don't control shit, because we rocked your fuckin' ass. Ha! Ha! Ha!
[turning back to me} That was 'right when you ran out the door Felipe. But the bottom line, Felipe, is survival of the fittest - or survival with a helmet, because I had got wild.
Now I gotta try to get Ray to lend me his Lincoln.
Another benefit Caesar derived from his inability to control his underlying rage was a lifelong monthly social security insurance check for being - as he put it - "a certified nut case," which he periodically reconfirmed by occasionally attempting to commit suicide.
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In Ray's judgment, Caesar was too out of control to be trusted, and he was never formally hired into the network. Ray was much more cautious than Primo about whom he hired. Only in exceptional cases did he give breaks to full-blown addicts or excessively violent individuals. Caesar was acutely aware of Ray's rejection of him, but nevertheless continually aspired to f?rmal inclusion in his organization.
Caesar: Ray don't pay me directly, I'm subcontracted by Primo. If I go to jail, I'm Primo's responsibility but Ray will look out for me, 'cause he likes to keep me around too, for security reasons. He wants to slide me into the organization.
Plus I don't got no felony arrests. I got the cleanest [criminal] record out of anybody working for Ray. If I gOt busted, he knows I wouldn't jerk him for the bail money like Benzie did. I'd keep going to court and I wouldn't drop a dime.
Benzie, the lookout who replaced Caesar, was also a crack addict, but unlike Caesar he followed Primo's example and used his position as drug dealer as a trampoline for overcoming his crack addiction by substituting it for a less virulent powder cocaine habit occasionally supplemented by heroin. This allowed for a less hierarchical relationship and Primo promptly promoted him to partner. Particularly interesting in Benzie's case is that he had originally been holding a permanent legal job as a janitor's assistant at an exclusive men's club in midtown Manhattan at the time that Primo offered him the position of lookout. It was only once he fully immersed himself in street culture's underground economy as a powerful figure - a dealer - that he was able to stop using crack. In other words, Benzie started using crack while working legally, and not until he quit his legitimate job to work full time as a crack dealer was he able to kick his crack habit. The responsibilities of his new position as a street seller forced him to straighten out.
Primo: After I fired Caesar I started working by myself again until, somehow, some way, this guy [pointing to Benzie} started giving me hints that he wanted to work, and I liked'ed him. [pausing to sniff again]
So I started asking him, "You wauna work here?" 'Cause I
In Search of Respect
wanted to take it easy. [sniffing from the tip of a key dipped into a ten-dollar glassine packet of heroin and passing it to Benzie}
Benzie: [sniffing] At the time I was working legit with my Pops at the Yacht Club as a maintenance engineer. I used to come over here [to the Game Room] after work.
When Primo hired me that gave me two jobs.
You know at what time I used to get up to get to the Yacht Club? Five o'clock in the morn in' because I used to have to be there at seven - and right on the dot! From seven until three-thirty I be at the Yacht Club. Then at four I had to be at the Game Room [sniffing heroin].
Primo: So I told him, "Thirty dollars a day, six days a week.
'Cause I don't work Sundays."
He said, "Yeah, yeah, that's good." So he hung out.
And after that, time went by. I saw he was cool - that he wasn't smoking so much. I used to take him to the [Social] Club and buy a bottle of Bacardi and feed him food, and we'd be sniffing. [pausing to crush a fresh vial's worth of cocaine in a dollar bill}
So one time, I told him, "Go ahead, serve." Then after a while (sniffing cocaine), I told him, "Whatever we sell, we gonna divide equally each day. That way, you could make some money."
Because I was gettin' paid back in them days. [throwing his head back and sniffing heavily} I used to get like two hundred, two-fifty, three hundred, even four hundred dollars a night for eight hours work. The least I would get is two hundred - two-fifty dollars a night.
Benzie: Yeah, we was making money then, boy! Bohf making
two-something a night.
Primo: We used to clock, man. This shit [pointing to the back of the Pac-Man machine, where the crack vials were stashed} used to
sell like hotcakes. I
I'm a fuckin' idiot man. I should have bought something so that my money would have been still here.
But as soon ~s Benzie started working with me it was all party.
And my money is history. That money just flew, boy. I spent it (spitting the words) on hotels, coke, liquor. It was easy come, easy go. I used to treat for everything with everybody - Benzie, Caesar,
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O.D. - everybody. I just wanted friends. Everyday we was horeling it. Hotels cost money, man.
It's too bad I didn't see you a lot in those days Felipe. We could've really enjoyed you. (grabbing my arm with the instant affection 'that a sudden rush of cocaine can generate in the rollercoaster e6bs and flows of a speedball - heroin-cum-cocaine - high] And we probably would have been more cool if you would've been there. 'Cause you can't get into no trouble. Instead we used to break everything in the room.
I was hanging out so roughly trying to be a, Mr. Big Star. (sniffing and catching Benzie's eye] 'Cause we had cash and we used to enjoy it. (slapping five with Benzie and erupting into loud mutual laughter]
Minimum Wage Crack Dealers
I finally solved the mystery of why most street-level crack dealers remain penniless during their careers, when I realized that their generous bingebehavior is ultimately no different from the more individualistic, and circumscribed, conspicuous consumption that rapidly upwardly mobile persons in the legal economy also usually engage in. The tendency to overspend income windfalls conspicuously is universal in an economy that fetishizes material goods and services. Crack dealers are merely a caricaturally visible version of this otherwise very North American phenomenon of rapidly overconsuming easily earned money. Their limited options for spending money constructively in the legal economy exacerbate their profligacy.
A more complex dimension of the crack dealers' relationship to the mainstream economy is their interaction with the legal labor market. A systematic discussion of this complex, antagonistic relationship is the basis for Chapter 4. I shall explore briefly here, however, how this tension with the legal economy affected day-to-day operations at the Game Room, because the appeal of the crack economy is not limited to a simple dollars-and-cents logic.
Street dealers tend to brag to outsiders and to themselves about how much money they make each night. In fact, their income is almost never as consistently high as they report it to be. Most street sellers, like
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In Search of Respect
Caesar displaying cash and three bundles of crack inside the Game Room. Photo by Susan Meiselas.
Primo, are paid on a piece-rate commission basis. In other words, their take-home pay is a function of how much they sell. When converted into an hourly wage, this is often a relatively paltry sum. According to my calculations, Ray's workers, for example, averaged slightly less than double the legal minimum wage - between seven and eight dollars an hour. There were plenty of exceptional nights, however, when they made up to ten times minimum wage - and these are the nights they remember when they reminisce. They forget all the other shifts when they were unable to work because of police raids, and they certainly do not count the nights they spent in jail as forfeited working hours.
It took me several years to realize how inconsistent and meager crack income can be. This was brought home to me symbolically 'one night as Primo and Caesar were shutting down the Game Room. Caesar unscrewed the fuses in the electrical box to disconnect the video games. Primo had finished stashing the leftover bundles of crack vials inside a hollowed-out live electrical socket and was counting the night's thick wad of receipts. I was struck by how thin the handful of bills were that he separated out and folded neatly into his personal billfold. Primo and
Caesar then eagerly lowered the icon riot gates over the Game Room's windows, and snapped shut the heavy Yale padlocks. They were moving with the smooth, hurried gestures of workers preparing to go home after an honest day's hard labor. Marveling at the universality in the body language of workers rushing at closing time, I felt an urge to compare the wages paid by this alternative economy. I grabbed Primo's wallet out of his back pocket, carefully giving a wide berth to the fatter wad in his front pocket that represented Ray's share of the night's income - and that could cost Primo his life if it were waylaid. Unexpectedly, I pulled out fifteen dollars' worth of food stamps along with two twenty-dollar bills. After an embarrassed giggle, Primo stammered something to the effect that his mother had added him to her monthly food stamp allotment, and now gave him his thirty-dollar share each month to spend on his own.
Primo: I gave, my girl, Maria, half of it. I said, "Here, take it, use it if you need it for whatever." And then the other half I still got it in my wallet for emergencies.
Like that, we always got a couple of dollars here and there, to survive with. Because tonight, straight cash, I only got garbage. Forty dollars! Do you believe that?
At the same time that wages can be relatively low in the crack economy, working conditions are also often inferior to those found in the legal economy. Aside from the obvious dangers of being shot, or of going to prison, the physical work space of most crackhouses is usually unpleasant. The infrastructure of the Game Room, for example, was much worse than that of any legal retail outfits in East Harlem: There was no bathroom, no cunning water, no telephone, no heat in the winter,
. and no air-conditioning in the summer. Primo occasionally complained.
Primo: Everything that you see here [sweeping his arm at the scratched and dented video games, the walls with peeling paint, the floor slippery with litter, the filthy windows pasted over with ripped movie posters] is fucked-up. It sucks, man [pointing at the red forty-watt bare bulb hanging from an exposed fixture in the middle of the room and exuding a sickly twilight].
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Indeed, the only furnishings besides the video games were a few grimy milk crates and bent aluminum stools. Worse yet, a smell of urine and vomit usually permeated the locale. For a few months Primo was able to maintain a rudimentary sound system, but it was eventually beaten to a pulp during one of Caesar's drunken rages. The same thing happened to a scratchy black-and-white television set that Primo had bought from a customer for the price of a five-dollar vial. Of course, the deficient infrastructure was only one part of the depressing working conditions.
Primo: Plus I don't like to see people fucked up [handing over three vials to a nervously pacing customer]. This is fucked-up shit. I don't like this crack dealing. Word up.
[gunshots in the distance} Hear that?
Why then did Benzie ecstatically forfeit his steady job as maintenance engineer to work with Primo under thes-e conditions?
Benzie: I lost my job for hanging out with you [pointing to Primo and sniffing more cocaine].
At first even if we broke night [stayed awake partying 'all night}, the next day I went to my job. I was chilling and I JUSt walked in like nothing. Nobody - my boss, my supervisor - said nothing to me, because I was a maintenance engineer and I did everything.
Everything! No matter what it is, you do it.- You got to fix everything in the hotel. They call and complain, you gotta go and fix it, no matter what it is.
You know, like when the john leaks - whatever it is. Pipes - all that shit - you gotta go up and fix it.
And I had union and everything man, because when you're in the New York Yacht Club Union, you get union shit - I mean, you know, all the benefits.
That's a high-class place over there! I saw Mayor Koch eating there! Yeah I saw what's his name ... you know, that guy from the news! Man, I seen a lot of people eating' there.
It's like a membership shit. You gotta be a member of a yacht ship or some yacht shit! Those are people who got yatch'es. They rich! They got like little models of yatch'es all over the place. It's only whites eating there, like I seen alor'a' whites there.
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I never had no problem with white people. It was always: [bowing and imitating an upper-class accent} "How you doing?" [bowing again deeply, but then pausing to sniff} "Good morning." They're nice people though.
I lasted there. A long time. Like a year and a few months. I was making four jbills [$400} man! For five days work.
[continuing soberly} Now, the way I lost my job: I never forget that day: it was me, you [pointing to Primo}, Candy, and Flora and we stood at Candy's house and we broke night.
In a way, it was my own fault. I started messing around with Flora. And I was still with her in the morning.
I didn't go to work. I fucked up. I was sniffed up and I didn't call or anything the next day. I stayed with Flora.
Ultimately, Benzie pushed his macho street culture identity to its logical conclusion. He could not tolerate Ray's authority and ended up stealing money from him and forfeiting a court date for an arrest in a stolen car that was unrelated to crack dealing, but for which Ray had posted $2,500 worth of bail. After a brief stint in prison, "on Riker's," Benzie came full circle and found just above minimum wage employment in "food prep" at a health food cafeteria in a fitness gym - once again, surrounded as a subordinate by powerful whites. He managed to limit his alcohol and cocaine-cum-heroin binging to weekends. He enjoyed coming to the Game Room for visits to lecture Primo on the glories of legal employment. On cold nights after the Game Room was closed, we would often take refuge in a housing project stairwell where Primo and Benzie would sniff speedballs and we would all drink malt liquor until well past daybreak, tape-recording our conversations. 6
Benzie: The best way to be, is legal. Survive. Make your money and make everybody love you [opening a ten-dollar packet of heroin and handing me a quart of malt liquor to open].
I want you to be like that, Primo. I've been doing it a year, Primo. Look at this, box, [holding out a small plastic object] look what it says here. One year, this is a tie tack, this is a tack that goes on a tie. But it's because I've made a year. That's what it says there.
Do you know why I've made a year at this place? [sniffing heroin]
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Because I've been through fuckin' coke; [pointing to the cocaine Primo was crushing into sniffable powder in a folded dollar bill] I've been through fuckin' crack; I've been through marijuana; I've been through fuckin' every drug. I always was rroubulared. But now I'm finally getting mines - my capacidad [self-worth} - I've finally got to that stage that I won't do something. [pointing again to the cocaine} I'm tired of fuckin' crack living. [waving his arm at the vials littering the stairway} Serious, man.
Like right now [pausing to sniff cocaine] I do not do drugs.
Fuck! Look at my face. [moving it aggressively to within an inch of mine and taking the malt liquor bottle] I got a round face. When you do drugs you could tell by sorneone's face. [sniffing delicately from the packet of heroin, using Primo's key as a dipper].
All of a sudden as if a cocaine rush in his speedball high had triggered some particularly aggressive pathways 10 his brain, Benzie defensively addressed the difficulty of maintaining respect in the entry-level legal economy.
Benzie: But don't you ever disrespect me or dish me.
Primo: [soothingly] You're a working nigga' and I respect you the way you are right now. [turning to me] I respect him.
Benzie: [unmollified] I don't want someone to ~espect me. I want to respect myself.
I respect myself, man. [jabbing both forefingers into his chest} I changed. I'm a different person. I love myself. I'm not trying to brag or anything, you know. [swigging from the quart of malt liquor]
Primo: [to me reassuringly] It's like an outburst, Felipe. 'Cause Benzie feels so great, he feels so wonderful.
\
Benzie: [calmer, passing me the bottle] Man, I'm making eight
dollars a fuckin' hour. I'm a prep. I'm an assistant chef. I make eight dollars an hour. I make close to three hundred dollars a week. Okay, they take almost a hundred dollars, you know, in taxes and ... I get, like, two seventy-five - shit like that.
If you was to go home later on, you could see that I'm telling you the truth. And after taxes - they take like ninety, eighty
Cracebouse Management
dollars out of my shit. Like I would come home with my two seventy-five.
Primo: [proud of being privy to legal working-class hustles} That's because you only have one dependent. I always used to put three dependents.
Benzie: Btlt yo, I love myself. I'm proud of myself. You know, who's really fuckin' proud of me and who loves me, bro? My father, bro. He loves the shit out of me now.
My father's been a working man all his life. He came from PR when he was twenty-one. Right now, he's fifty-three years old. He's been a waiter all his life.
Primo: [in a low voice] Man! I don't want a job that's supposed to last you for your whole life. Man! I don't want to work for tips. I wanna work the way I wanna work.
[abruptly changing the subject} Let's go get another beer.
In private, especially in the last few years of my residence, Primo admitted that he wanted to go back to the legal economy.
Primo: I just fuck up the money here. I rather be legal.
Philippe: But you wouldn't be the head man on the block with so many girlfriends.
Primo: I might have women on my dick right now, but I would be much cooler if I was working legal. I wouldn't be drinking and the coke wouldn't be there every night.
Plus if I was working legally I would have women on my dick too, because I would have money.
Philippe: But you make more money here than you could ever make working legit.
Primo: Okay. So you want the money but you really don't want to do the job.
I really hate it, man. Hate it! I hate the people! I hate the environment! I hate the whole shit, man! But it's like you get caught up with it. You do it, and you say, "Ay, fuck it today!" Another day, another dollar. [pointing at an emaciated customer who was just entering]
But I don't really, really think that I would have hoped that I
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can say I'm gonna be richer one day. I can't say that. I think about it, but I'm just living day to day.
If I was working legal, I wouldn't be hanging out so much. I wouldn't be treating you. [pointing to the 16-ounce can of Colt 45 in my hand} In a job, you know, my environment would change . . . totally. 'Cause I'd have different friends. Right after work I'd go out with a co-worker, for lunch, for dinner. After work I may go home; I'm too tired for hanging out - I know I gotta work tomorrow.
After working a legal job, I'm pretty sure I'd be good.
The problem - as discussed in detail in Chapter 4 on the relationship of the crack dealers to the legal market - is that Primo's good intentions do not lead anywhere when the only legal jobs he can compete for fail to provide him with a livable wage. None of the crack dealers were explicitly conscious of the linkages between their limited options in the legal economy, their addiction to drugs, and their dependence on the crack economy for economic survival and personal dignity. Nevertheless, all of Primo's colleagues and employees told stories of rejecting what they considered to be intolerable working conditions at entry-level legal jobs. Benzie's case, for example, illustrates the complex role that subjective notions of dignity play in the process of rejecting legal employment and becoming a crack addict and then a dealer. Another one of Primo's lookouts, Willie, also had a legal-labor trajectory Defore being hired by Primo that illustrates the forces propelling a young man to seek refuge in the world of crack. Contradictorily, while Willie rejects the brutality of the working conditions he encountered in the legal labor market, he embraces an even more violent alternative that has him wreaking destruction on his neighbors and community.
In my whole life, I never got paid over six 'dollars an hour. The most I ever got was my last job when I worked at the ASPCA [American Society for the Prevention of Cruelty t\) Animals]. It was like two hundred and thirty dollars a week straight - then there was the taxes.
I remember my first day on the job. I had went there pretty well dressed and I'm working with this good-looking girl, so I'm like,
Crackhouse Management
I'm gonna rap with this chick. And then they pull out the carts full of gassed animals.
So I'm standing there with these rubber gloves, right? But I'm trying to stand back, you know, because I can't deal. I love animals ... youj know, I got three chihuahuas upstairs .
But the boss knew there was going to be trouble so they had overhired - that's how they always do it. They get rid of one person. So when the boss said, "You and her, do this," I did it.
But then I looked at this dead animal, and I got sick. And I've got on a button-down shirt, slacks, and I'm at this job in this big garage-type room with rubber gloves on, putting these laundry carts full of dead dogs, cats, baby dogs, baby cats that have all been gassed into a garbage truck.
I couldn't do it for long.
So one day they call me into the office and tell me, "You're not right for this job." So I got fired.
Management-Labor Conflict at the Game Room
Primo's options in the legal job market were no better than those of any of his employees, but on the stoop of the Game Room his vulnerability was not visible - especially when contrasted with that of his crackaddicted Customers and workers. He looked and behaved like an effective boss. Ultimately, however, Primo's relative autonomy and importance within Ray's network was eroded when Ray expanded his franchises. The Social Club's prime retail location on La Farrnacia's corner made it far more profitable than the Game Room. Ray instituted a double shift at the Social Club, keeping it open for sixteen hours every day except Sunday. Perhaps also because of his own personal fondness for the spot _ having grown up in the building - he invested in renovating the physical infrastructure. Soon the Social Club had a pool table, a powerful sound system, a flush toilet that worked some of the time, an air conditioner, and a heater. Ray also established an after-hours bar at the site, serving beer and Bacardi. For the upscale Customers and for hard-core intravenous cocaine users, in addition to the nickels of crack, he offered half-grams of relatively unadulterated cocaine for twenty dollars.
The expansion and diversification of Ray's network allowed him to be
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more manipulative in his management of labor relations. He began leveraging increased levels of discipline and higher profit margins from Primo at the Game Room. This initiated a protracted juggle for power between Primo and Ray. Ray's first action was to supersede Primo's right to hire assistants. He imposed his own choice of secondary employees to work as lookouts and sellers side by side with Primo. Primo rebelled against Ray's encroachment on his operational autonomy. He did not want to be demoted from manager to senior salesperson.
Ultimately, Primo lost out in this struggle for workplace autonomy, and his position as "manager" became increasingly ambiguous, until by the last two years of my residence on the block, Primo had lost all fiction of control over Game Room operations. Ray even managed to lower his piece-rate commissions from $1.00 to 75 cents per vial sold, although he did maintain an extra incentive by increasing the commission to $1. 75 per vial on nights when seven bundles [175 vials] were sold. Ray claimed that Primo had precipitated the changes because of his tardiness, absenteeism, and ineffectiveness in curbing violence and noise at the Game Room. For one ten-month period, Primo became so marginal that another three-quarters-time senior salesperson, Tony, was, hired and Ray limited Primo to only working two night shifts per week.
Primo responded to his lowered wages, reduced work hours, and lost managerial autonomy by escalating his alcohol and substance abuse. He became an even less punctual and more undisciplined worker, provoking Rayon several occasions to lay him off in retaliation for probationary two-week stretches. Part of the problem was rooted in the laws of supply and demand. The competition across the block in the project stairwells had permanently dropped the prices of their vials from three dollars to two dollars, and a conglomerate of companies located on another crack corner two blocks away had cut its prices from five dollars to three dollars, while simultaneously increasing the quality of its product.
Ray made a last-ditch effort to retain market share by upgrading the Game Room's locale. He moved operations upstairs to the newly vacated premises where three licensed doctors had formerly operated an illegal Medicaid-funded pill mill. This temporarily raised morale among his workers but did not affect sales significantly. We critiqued and debated the boss's management strategies in much the same mundane way that anxious employees in a retail enterprise in the legal sector who are in danger of being laid off, will speculate on the reasons for declining
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CrackhoztSe Management
Primo feeding cocaine to Caesar on the benches of a housing project courtyard, after closing the Game Room. Photo by Susan Meiselas.
business. Relaxing after the end of the night shift in my apartment living room with Primo and Caesar, I tape-recorded one particularly anxious conversation. For the preceding two weeks, the Game Room had been shut down because of intensified police sweeps, and upon reopening that night, Ray had introduced a lower-quality product. (The Dominican wholesaler who formerly supplied him with cocaine at the kilo level had been arrested and his new connection had provided him with inferior cocaine.)
Before speaking morosely, Caesar opened a glassine envelope of heroin, sniffed from it, and then tossed the packet Onto my coffee table. He then immediately reached for the folded dollar bill containing cocaine that Primo had just crushed. Primo pulled the cocaine away from him,
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saying, "Chill man, let me feed youl" and turned to me for emphasis: "I hate it when this nigga' gets thirsty." Primo then scooped a folded matchbook corner into the pile of cocaine and held it up to Caesar's nose for him to sniff with a grimace that effectively closed off one nostril while opening the other one wide. He repeated the motions three more times until Caesar finally sat back calmly on my couch, nodding a thanks
to Primo.
Caesar: [speaking slowly} Tonight was slow, we only made twenty-two dollars and fuckin' fifty cents. And I be risking getting snatched and dirt yin' my (police} record for chump change from
that fat-assed nigga'.
Ray's gonna lose a lotta business with no light up there. And no
one wants to walk up those stairs.
Primo: No, it's not the place of the business. It's just that we're
selling two-dollar bottles for five bucks [sniffing}.
Caesar: Yeah, the bottles are toO small. (gravely} Lately Ray's been fucking up with the product, man. He's like switching product. It'll be good; then it'll be fucked up; then it'll be good; then
it'll be fucked up.
Primo: The real problem is that they be small bottles.
Caesar: Plus it was a major mistake to be closed all tha~ time and
then the first time we open we be selling shit.
How you gonna open up and sell fire? 'Cause that's what the
customers said it is. The cracks taste like fire. That shit isnasty!
He's fucking us up because a lot of people don't come back, man. And people be complaining that we are selling fire.
[picking up his tempo, feeling a rush of energy from the cocaine}
, \
I done told Ray, "What's up? This shit is garbage." But he's like,
"Fuck youl I sell it like that."
Primo: [sniffing} I never tell him shit, especially tonight. I think
he had a roach up his ass, 'cause it's slow. He was pissed off 'cause the electrician from Con Ed [New York City'S electrical utility
company} didn't show up today.
When I pushed the conversation into a discussion of how they could tolerate being minimum wage crack dealers, they responded with selfcongratulatory, glorifying reminiscences of nights of record sales. Perhaps
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the same types of dialogue could be tape-recorded after-hours among heavy-drinking used-car salesmen during a recession in the local economy.
Caesar: [sniffing more cocaine from Primo's upheld matchbook] Nah, Felipe, it's not so bad. It's slow tonight because it's Monday, and the end of the month, and nobody ain't got no money. [excited} Primo left out of here the other day with almost three hundred bucks all by himself.
Primo: [smiling] It was the first of the month and everybody had got paid.
Caesar: [taking more cocaine} It was a huge day for selling.
Everything comes on the first of the month: all the checks.
Primo: Yeah! Everybody got paid [grinning}. Because the first of the month is like when welfare checks, rent checks, social security checks, all come. The first of the month is definitely monneeey [licking his lips}.
Caesar: For everybody! Veterans' checks, pensions, social security, welfare, Jew checks ... [noting my raised eyebrows] You know, Jews be into crazy scams, making money with papers ... you know, insurance, real estate, shit like that. The Jews be picking up checks. [wiggling his forefingers greedily with a devious grin}
On the first of the month, money flows.
Primo: Everyone was coming. Welfare recipients and workers. sold twelve bundles.
Ray's sales remained slow for the next several months and morale among his workers continued to plummet, while tensions mounted. Ray ordered Primo to fire Caesar following a series of loud drunken arguments, but Primo refused. Ray retaliated by switching Primo's schedule to working on Monday and Tuesday nights instead of Thursday and Friday nights. Thursday is an especially coveted night to sell on because it is payday for municipal employees.
In a classic example of the internalization of labor-management antagonisms, Primo and Caesar redoubled their hatred for Tony, the replacement employee whom Ray had hired a few months earlier to discipline Primo and Caesar. Tony reciprocated their antagonism. This escalated into a potentially lethal confrontation when three bundles of crack disap-
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peared from the stash inside the Pac-Man video machine during the interval between Primo's Tuesday night shift and Tony's Wednesday shift. Everyone professed innocence, but there was no sign of forced entry and Tony and Primo were the only two people besides Ray to have keys to the locale. Ray wanted to kill - or at least break the legs - of the culprit, but he could not decide whom to punish.
The following Thursday, another three bundles were stolen from the overnight stash, which had been rotated to a live electrical socket for protection. Ray was not only furious but also helpless - a condition that made him even more dangerous than he normally is. To save face he began deducting the value of the stolen bundles from both Primo's and Tony's wages on a fifty-fifty basis. Sales on Primo's Mondayand Tuesday night shifts, however, were so low that Ray had to set up an installment plan for his reimbursement. Primo and Caesar were allowed to keep their full Monday night commission in return for surrendering all of Tuesday night's receipts until their share of the $450 worth of missing merchandise was accounted for.
Sensing that he was the prime suspect, Caesar was especially vocal in denouncing Tony as the thief. He repeatedly advocated "wasting the motherfucker." Those of us who frequented the Gan:te Room regularly were convinced that Caesar had stolen the crack. Primo could not help but share this suspicion. It depressed him that his best friend and employee - his "main nigga' " - could have disrespected him so profoundly. It was during these tense weeks that I tape-recorded many of Primo's most insightful denunciations of how he was trapped in the crack economy.
The mysterious disappearance of the six bundles was. finally resolved with the anticipated life-threatening beating, but neither Tony nor Primo nor even Caesar were the victims. The thief was Garo, Ray's jack-of-all-trades maintenance worker who had renovated the new locale upstairs from the Game Room. In the process he had hollowed our fake paneling under the floor, to which he had access after hours via the abandoned building behind the Game Room. He knew the kinds of places where Ray kept his stashes because he repaired all his video games and maintained his electrical systems. In fact, he was the one who had pirated the electricity to the new crackhouse our of a neighboring bodega. We could not help but feel sorry for Gato when Ray brought him back to the Game Room three days later to start working off the debt he
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owed by fixing Some newly acquired broken machines. Gato climbed awkwardly out of Ray's Lincoln Continental limping heavily from the beating he had received three days earlier. He avoided eye COntact with all of us. We all left the premises hurriedly when he started unscrewing the back of a broken video game because he reeked from the acrid smell specific to homeless crack bingers who have no access to showers or clean clothes. That he was still alive with no bones broken was a testimony to his childhood friendship with Ray, whom he had faithfully followed as a teenage member of "The Cheeba Crew" (TCC) Some dozen years earlier.
Ray took advantage of the tensions generated by this incident to renegotiate Tony's salary from a piece-rate commission to a set wage of $100 per shift, regardless of how many bundles were sold. This was especially profitable for Ray because Tony worked on the nights when sales were at their highest volume, Wednesday through Saturday. Relations were too strained between Tony and Primo for them to coordinate their demands for a higher proportion of Ray's profits. In fact, in a classic divide-and-conquer scenario, neither worker even knew what kind of payment arrangement his nemesis had negotiated with their mutual boss.
The Crackhouse Clique: Dealing with Security
Primo's subordination to Ray was not immediately visible to the clique of parasitical friends, acquaintances, and wanna-be employees who congregated in front of the Game Room on most nights. When Primo was on duty, he appeared to his hang-out crowd to be well in control. He was exceptionally generous, and he regularly treated his friends co beer, liquor, and occasional sniffs of cocaine. I had assumed originally that Primo cultivated a large hang-out crowd to fulfill a psychological need for power and domination, especially vis-a-vis the teenage women competing for his sexual attention.
It took me several months to realize that the people reclining on car hoods, squatting on neighboring Stoops, or tapping their feet to the ubiquitous rap or salsa playing on sorneone's radio, served several different useful roles for the crackhouse. They provided strategic business information on competing drug spots and on the changing trends in tastes and market shifts in the underground economy. As long as they did not become too rowdy, they also served to camouflage the comings and goings of the emaciated addicts, making the crackhouse look more
In Searc» ot «espect
Hanging out in the Game Room. Photo by Oscar Vargas.
like a youth center than a place of business. A subtle touch of "normalcy" was added by the presence of Primo's adopted grandfather, Abraham, who was responsible for collecting the quarters from the video, machines. Whenever potential undercover narcotic detectives entered the Game Room, this hopelessly alcoholic seventy-two-year-old man pretended to be senile. He exuded an aura of helplessness and gentleness that was accentuated by the homemade black patch covering his left eye, which he had lost when a mugger stabbed him while he was home from his job at
the cafeteria of Lenox Hill Hospital in the early I 980s. 7 '
Most importantly, the hang-out crowd complemented the lookout's
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job by protecting the Game Room from excessive violence and aggression. Primo's best and cheapest insurance against physical assault was to surround himself with a network of people who genuinely respected and liked him. His crowd of friends became an effective army of detectives for investigating foul play; for warning him of potential stickup artists who might be casing the premises; or for shielding and witnessing when an attack actually occurred. Indeed, assault by thieves represented Primo's greatest physical danger. Whenever two people walked into the Game Room at the same time or at a fast pace, he always tensed up. He also usually suspected new people who joined his hang-out crowd of being emissaries gathering intelligence for a future holdup crew.
Primo's fears were well founded. During the five and a half years that I documented the Game Room's operations, it was robbed twice by masked men bearing sawed-off shotguns. Primo confided to me that during the first robbery he had urinated in his pants with his attacker's shotgun pressed against his temple while he lied about not having a stash of cash. Nevertheless, when he reported the theft to his boss later that night, Primo had exaggerated how much money and crack was stolen in order (0 keep the difference.
Prin.o considered somewhat insulting my functionalist interpretation of whj ie treated his friends and acquaintances so generously. Nevertheless, in. his counterexplanarions he reaffirmed the sense of tension and imminent danger he was forced to endure every night. More subtly, he made me realize that the hang-out crew was more than physical protection, it provided a stabilizing social atmosphere for him to counterbalance the anxiety that constantly threatens to disable a lonesome seller. His peers distracted and relaxed him from the dangerous reality of his work site:
Primo: I don't need anyone to protect me, Felipe. Naah. I can handle myself alone. It's just like I want my people to be there for me.
It don't have to be O.D. here. [pointing to Willie, who was working lookout that night] It could be anybody that's keeping me company. It could even be Jackie [his girlfriend at the time].
See, just so long as there's someone I could talk to, to keep me company. It could even be just Maria [his former girlfriend, whom
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In Search of Respect
he had temporarily broken up with]. But Ray don't like Maria hanging out; he don't know her all that well. She's not from the block.
You understand? I just want someone to accompany me ... just for the company. You know, it's hard to just be in this dump by yourself.
Because if you're by yourself you know you feel ... you be more edgy. It's boring and I need to be more relaxed.
And if anything, you always want a witness or somebody to be there . . . you know.
Ironically, it took me several years to realize that Primo's enthusiastic friendship with me was part of the unconscious logic for why he maintained a hang-out crew in front of the Game Room. The disconcerting presence of a white face at night in an EI Barrio crackhouse was probably an even better deterrent to potential stickup artists than Willie's large frame, Caesar's reputation for irrational -violence, or anyone of the teenage girls flirting with Primo. Stickup artists are simply not willing to take the risk of assaulting anyone who could possibly be confused as an undercover police officer. There are too many other easy targets around.
Another crucial service fulfilled by Primo's hang-out network as well as his lookouts was to screen for narcotics agents. Crack dealers have to have organic ties to the street scene in order to be able to recognize the bona fide addict or user from the undercover impostor. The best lookouts and street sellers are those who have hung out in the streets all their lives and know everyone in the neighborhood. When Prime-did not recognize someone or sensed something suspicious about a customer, he checked first with his lookout, or with one of his friends outside on the stoop, before serving them. The most frequent confusion arose oyer men who had just been released from prison and had not yet destroyed their bodies on crack.
Primo: Yo Caesar, who were those two morenos? I didn't even know the motherfuckers. They could be fa jara [the police].
Caesar: Yeah, it's okay. They were good-looking and dressed well, but I know that big black Alabama. He's cool. I know him. He's walked in the Game Room before, it's just that you don't remember,
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"
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C rackhouse Management
He musca just came outra jail because that nigga' looked fresh union. That nigga' was healthy. He was like a Buster Douglas size.
In the five years that I knew Primo he must have made tens of thousand" of hand-to-hand crack sales; more than a million dollars probably passed through his fingers. Despite this intense activity, however, he was only arrested twice, and only two other sellers at the Game Room were arrested during this same period. No dealer was ever caught at Ray's other crackhouses, not even at the Social Club on La Farrnacia's corner, even though its business was brisker. Ironically, the Social Club was raided half a dozen times, because it doubled as a pool hall and bootleg bar. The large clientele of omnipresent regulars confused the police; they never knew whom to arrest. They could not expropriate the landlord, because the City of New York was the owner. The original proprietor had long since defaulted on his taxes. Instead, on two occasions the police smashed the pool tables into kindling wood, ripped out the electrical fixtures, and boarded over the entrance. On one raid, they ticketed Candy for serving unlicensed liquor to an undercover officer, but they were never able to apprehend the primary seller-manager in the act of a hand-tohand narcotics sale. The biggest threat to the Social Club came from the New York City fire marshals, who sealed the place on several occasions for violating fire codes following the much publicized arson of a social club in the South Bronx that took the lives of eighty-four people. 8
The invulnerability of Ray's crackhouses to police control was largely owing to the generalized public sector breakdown of the neighborhood. Inner-city police forces are so demoralized and incompetent that for the most part they do not have to be systematically corrupt - although they often are - in order for street-level drug dealing to flourish in their precincts.? The attitude of honest officers is too hostile toward the local community for them to be able to build the networks that would allow them to document the operations of the numerous drug-dealing Spots in the neighborhoods they patrol. For example, after five and a half years of being practically the only white person out on the street after dark on a regular basis on my block, which hosted almost a half-dozen drug-selling Spots, the police never learned to recognize me. Even after I began attending their community outreach meetings for combating drugs, they continued to fail to recognize me on the street. 10
Ray and his workers took certain basic precautions to minimize their risk of arrest. They never made sales outside the door on the street, and they usually asked customers to step behind a strategically placed PacMan machine at the back of the establishment before touching their money and handing them the vials of crack, in case the police were watching with binoculars from a neighboring apartment building. Most importantly, at no point was there more than twenty-five vials - one bundle - visibly accessible. Depending on the night and the season, additional bundles might be strategically hidden in rotated stashes, such as the live overhead electrical socket, the linoleum wall paneling, or the entrails of one of the video games. Depending on supply and demand, runners periodically delivered extra bundles and picked up cash receipts.
Sellers have to develop the crucial skill of judging when it is necessary to stash their vials in the event of a raid. This was what saved Primo, for example, from four years of incarceration on his last arrest. As the police were battering down the Game Room door with their portable ram he flicked thirteen vials from his current bundle into the back of a Mario Brothers video machine. The police found nothing in their search of the premises. At the same time, if a seller becomes overly paranoid - petro - of every suspicious siren and revving car motor, the smooth operations of the crackhouse become excessively disrupted. Dealers have to juggle between relaxation and acute premonition. In Primo's case, strategically dispensing beer and cocaine to his friendly hang-out clique was crucial to maintaining this delicate balance of calm alertness.
Primo, Caesar, and other dealers provided me with dozens of accounts of close calls with the police. They had developed complex, riskminimization strategies.
Caesar: [drinking from a 16-ounce can of malt Iiquor] I'm not gonna get caught with the stash on me. I'll pitch it or hide it fast. I gOt a clean slate. So I don't even think I would even get bail. They'll call it being in the wrong place at the wrong time.
I don't sell to people I don't know, never. Pops only made that mistake a coupla' times in the Game Room, but that was when it was wild man.
Primo: [also drinking from a separate 16-ounce can of malt liquor] Yeah, I only got caught once like that, in a buy-and-bust. But there's been times when cops came to buy but I knew it and I was cool.
110 Way back when my grandfather Abraham was still hanging out here. I was reading in the newspapers about that guy, Larry Davis, who killed those cops. I was chilling, reading.
Caesar: My cousin's in jail with Larry Davis in Louisiana on some wild federal charge.
Primo: Shut up Caesar, let me finish.
So I 'was reading that Larry Davis thing out loud to Abraham, because he can't read English, when this guy in an army jacket came in - but he was white.
I don't even know why they sent him. He looked like an obvious cop. I pretended I didn't see him, when he walked in. I kept reading like that [peering deeply into an imaginary newspaper]. So he walked past me, to the back and asked Abraham for the shit. But Abraham realized quick what was up and he just went, "Wahhhh?" [imitating a senile old man slobbering at the mouth]. And I was in the front, reading the paper like this [crossing his legs awkwardly perched on a milk crate] and there were kids playing, and it was cool.
Then he said to me, "They still sell crack here?" but I just went, "I don't know," and kept reading my paper.
He was a cop because I seen the man in the day, with the regular blue suit on.
Primo attributed to carelessness the one time he was successfully arrested and convicted.
Primo: I gor my [criminal} record back when O.D. was hanging with me. Oh man, I got jerked! I was Outside with a mirror, trimming my hair like that. It was early in the day; it was like four o'clock. I used to open earlier in them days. Like one or two, because Felix was like, "Gotta be there, boy!' .' I used to hate that.
So Abraham calls me, because I didn't notice the guy go in because I was talking with O.D., trimming my shit.
So I went in and he was pretending he was playing Pac-Man. So then I didn't even bother to look at him, it was like he had a gold chain, short pants, and everything.
So I took the shit from where we kept it right there in a little thin box [pointing in the direction of the current stash]. He tells me he wants five. And when I was serving him, was when I looked at his face; I said to myself, "Shit, I don't know this motherfucker!" He looked like so clean-cut, y gordito [and chubby]; I was like [waving his arms in confusion}.
So I tell him, "How do you smoke this? Put it in the pipe; or do you smoke woolas [a crack and marijuana mixture]?" He said, "You got that too?" and I said, "No, I'm just asking." So he left.
And when he left, I told O.D., "Yo, wait a minute. Let me stash the shit." Because I didn't trust that dude. But O.D. followed me. He was talking to me so much shit about his problems that I got distracted [drinking).
And when I turned to put the vials away, like that [going through the motions}, right there they pushed me [coming over to me and throwing me against a video machine in a half-nelson]. I thought it was Eddie just fucking around so I continued; but when I finished I looked and the cop was already ready to blow me away like that [holding an imaginary gun up to my temple] - or whatever. He was taking precautions. Them niggas just rushed us, boy [drinking). He pulled the shit out and said "This is what we're looking for" [holding out a handful of crack vials and grinning cruelly] .
I got jerked for selling five vials - two-to-four, years probation [shaking his head sadly, drinking, and handing me the bottle].
A year later, as the New York state penal system spiraled into a crisis owing to overcrowding following the precipitous increase. in drug arrests and the toughening of drug-sentencing rules, an exasperated judge declared Primo's suspended sentence to be completed a year early, in order to clear his overburdened docket. Primo had been arrested for failing to report to his probation officer, a violation that under n9rmal condi rions might have resulted in his incarceration for the full term of his probation sentence.
Following his second arrest for a hand-to-hand sale of ten dollars' worth of crack to an undercover officer, once again the mayhem of New York's drug enforcement strategy in the early 1990S saved Primo from becoming a predicate felon and having to serve four to six years in jail. II In their disorganized haste to boost arrest statistics, the Tactical Narcotics Team officers who engineered the buy-and-bust operation on the
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Crackhouse Management
Game Room confused the identities of Primo and Caesar in the COUrtroom. The jury was forced to free Primo when Caesar derailed the prosecution's case by insinuating under oath - but with the protection of the Fifth A,imendment - that he had actually been the one who had sold the crack to the undercover officers. Ray and several of the crackhouse habitues had the pleasure of watching the judge rebuke the district attorney for having wasted the COUrt's time with a sloppy case. Primo was fully vindicated, and the Game Room stayed in business for another year with no police raids. 13
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This description reminded me of the contrast between Stringer and Avon throughout The Wire. Avon’s character never develops to anything more than a street gangster during the series, while Stringer Bell attempts to act as more of a business man before her gets killed in season three. The quote mentions Felix reveled too much in street corner glory, similarly to Avon. When Stringer tried to advise him that the gang needed to be less violent in their argument over losing street corners, Avon disagrees and cannot seem to stray from what he knows as the ways of the street.
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Many of the arguments we see between the drug dealers and their comrades come from how they view their operations should go down. However, as you mentioned, Stringer cannot talk Avon down from his view of how his “corners” should be run. Unfortunately, Avon is so engrossed in his traditional views of the street, he cannot be talked down.
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I’d like to say that Avon at least was smart enough to remove himself from the day to day street affairs in many cases. As we see through out Season 1, Avon is often up in the office of his strip-club front. He does attempt to run a tight ship, but it comes down through the better and smarter work of the Police in the show. Though your note on his character flaw, a desire to involve himself in the street options, does partially lead to his downfall.
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These characters demonstrate two different motivations for being in the game. For Stringer, it’s about becoming a successful businessman and making money. For Avon, it is more about the social prestige offered by the game. While these are entirely different motivations, the drug game provided the opportunity for both of the characters to achieve their goal.
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I think the Wire suggests that Stringer’s business-focused approach was idealistic and overambitious, as it ultimately led to his downfall. Stringer’s attempted bribes to Clay Davis did not end up working, and the complex web of lies he wove to get himself ahead ultimately got him killed. By the end of the show, Avon is far better off than Stringer. I wonder if the wire used Stringer to demonstrate that no matter how smart and tactical you are, the game still has certain limits.
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This comment struck me because it mentions how Felix left the actual production of crack cocaine to his wife (as if cooking crack is like making any other pie in the kitchen). I noticed this because this type of patriarchal order is very different from what is displayed in The Wire (although patriarchy is displayed in other ways). Women are never shown producing the drugs in any way and are largely left out of the nitty gritty operations in the game. I cannot imagine Avon asking his sister or Stringer asking Donette to cook the crack in the show. They tend to purposely leave the women out (perhaps so they know less if they are ever arrested/cannot snitch) and take on the role of raising the kids. Why would the directors/writers have made this decision?
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I was also struck by and commented on the fact that this reading emphasized that women did play a role in the processing and success of the drug game, while The Wire largely ignores this. I feel as though the creators of the show chose to ignore the role of women in the game because they knew that this would lead down a rabbit hole of other topics that needed to be discussed, such as abuse, rape or sexual harassment, or misogyny in general. The creators clearly did not see this as a pressing issue to discuss, which I believe is problematic in itself. I understand what the creators intent was, to focus on how institutional forces affect class and race, and can appreciate it. However, to create a show full of social commentary but to ignore the role/ struggle of women that are affected by these same forces is to not tell the full story.
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Your point about what The Wire ignores is a very important one to make. For all of its commentary, The Wire leaves out many issues of gender in relation to the gangs. We can actually see some of what is left out in the following sentence. I find the idea of “cultivating sexual liaisons” deeply disturbing. Especially in the context of teenage girls. That sentence also mentions how the women are addicted, and it reminds me of the woman who asks Omar for some heroin in Season 1 since her check is behind. It causes one to wonder how the situation might have been different if Omar were not a gay man. It is possible that the scenario was able to ignore these realities by placing it in a scene with Omar, but it was also a way of endearing the audience to Omar as a sympathetic character.
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I agree with both of you in that The Wire doesn’t address patriarchal roles or misogyny in the game much. That said, I have to disagree that women are never shown in the gritty operations of the game. Snoop from season 4 is one example of a female soldier in the game. Her and Chris serve as Marlo’s muscle, and as far as I could tell she is just as tough as any other male soldier in Baltimore.
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I think your comment should be qualified; there are certainly problem with how gender is portrayed in the show but I think saying that the creators clearly didn’t care is a big jump. There are several episodes where abuse is touched on and strong women are depicted. It’s not perfect, but no story is because any narrative will have to focus on a specific subset of people. It’s just that The Wire touches on so many kinds of people that the relative lack of women with depth is noticeable and disappointing.
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I largely felt the same way about The Wire’s limited portrayal of women in the game and think your point about the creators wanting to avoid an investigation of rape is likely accurate. The power imbalance and sexual exploitation described in this section about Felix is so profound that it makes The Wire feel particularly sanitized in its portrayal of women, and especially makes me think about how limited the show’s engagement is with all the women working at Orlando’s. Most of those scenes either move the police plot in a direct way or are intended to be funny in some way, opposed to using that dimension of the drug operations to explore sex work and gender dynamics within the Barksdale organization.
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I totally agree with your sentiments. I think that the limited engagement with women in the game and their stories in the show was very disappointing. We saw bits of D’Angelo’s mother attempting to pressure him back into it for support, but we didn’t get to see much of the backstory as to why she would need this support. I think sexual violence and the matriarchy of street life would be a topic that people would want to know about so I’m not sure why they have such a narrowly sanitized portrayal of women around this lifestyle.
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I agree that the creators missed an opportunity in not having women be as much of a part of the story line. From the women we of see, like D’Angelo’s mother and Donette, they are very reliant on the men and also rely on they game for stability in their everyday lives. Just like the men, they are tied to the game and would have a hard time getting out.
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I agree, women play such an integral part in the game and they are rarely touched on in The Wire. especially when it comes to sexual assault and abuse. There is a little bit of commentary on women as mothers but very very little and they play such an important role as well.
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This comment and section in the reading reminded me and drugs and Gangster Film and the way in which, similar to the Wire, women often have a subordinate role in drug production and trade. It made me think of Goodfellas in a scene during the end of the movie when Henry is working with all of the cocaine and his wife and family are at home cooking at Italian sauce. This showed the particular role that many women took on within gangs. I think it was very interesting that this reading touched on how the women were involved because I imagine it caused an imbalance in the patriarchy of the male drug makers. Male gang members often struggled when women were too involved on took on leadership roles because they needed to maintain their masculinity to feel in charge. This doesn’t mean that the women in Goodfellas did not do the drugs, they were just removed from the selling and production side of the operation, which connects with what the reading says about female addicts.
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As we’ve talked about in class, The Wire is often tone-deaf when it comes to issues of gender. I found this passage to be interesting as a comparison to what we see portrayed in The Wire. I also like that you brought up Goodfellas, and your reference reminded of a similar scene in American Gangster where women were portrayed as assisting in the production of heroin.
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I agree with Julia that the women in this reading play a very submissive role- fitting of the traditional patriarchy structure mentioned in the string above- Candy, similar to the Goodfellas scene that Julia recalls, is the “cook” when Felix runs the Game Room, as she is the woman and filling the role of the diligent wife.
As well the game room and other businesses that Felix and Ray ran used and took advantage of submissive young women- potentially taking advantage of women who were not in a proper mindset to be giving consent as they are crack addicts. They are preying on the weak in society- drug addicts to lure clients into their legal businesses and to lure customers to buy drugs.
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Sophie, I felt as though your point from this reading about the drug dealers using women to lure clients into their legal business and to bring more customers for the drugs reminds me a lot of the bar Orlando’s from season one of the Wire. The Gentleman’s club, owned and run by men, with a space for the drug dealers in the back, was actually a strip club. Women in the show were consistently portrayed putting on makeup for the men and acting as submissive to the drug dealers and their customers. This is just yet another example of how the women functioned as individuals to be taken advantage of for the benefits of the dealers.
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I agree that I thought the partriarchy shown in this sentence was different compared to the role that women have in the Wire, but I do not see it as far-fetched from the stereotypes surrounding the role of women compared to men. As shown in the sentence, the male figure is making the money while the woman is putting in all of the work. The word delegating also threw me off because it seemed as if he was controlling her and placing her in a subservient role.
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I wonder though, if there is an ultimate reason for the positioning of women in submissive/ subservient roles. I feel as though we don’t learn much about if it is for the protection of the women, which isn’t likely because they were taking advantage of teenage addicts… Or maybe it was to keep the women in a space where they would only know so much, but not be totally exposed to what the men were really doing in the streets. It leaves me with more questions than answers.
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I’m saying nothing new here when I write that we see very little of this sort of happening in the Wire. Felix here seems to be taking advantage of women and young girls who are under the influence of drugs and not even Bourgois spends much time talking about it. I also know I’m not the only one on this NowComment to state that I wish we could see some of this female experience in the drug trade through the lens of a female in this scenario. The Wire spends a great deal of time developing its drug dealer characters so that we as audience members can better understand the complexities of life as a drug dealer. Where do we turn to find out more about what it is like to be a woman living in the midst of the drug trade. Even other ethnographic work we’ve read such as Goffman’s On the Run seem to focus more on the male experience in the inner city. I know Joelle points out in one of her comments how this is connected to the need for recognizing intersectionality, but it is so important that we are also able to hear what this world is like for the women living it too.
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I agree that it is not an accident that Bourgois uses minimal space in the novel to address the perspective of women in the “game” and their understanding of the way things work. As Emily pointed out, women are rarely associated with the game in the Wire, and when they are they are usually characterized similarly with masculine traits or anger. I do think that it is important to addres s this lack of context within the story and understand why Bourgois has chosen to leave more details out about situations like this.
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We can always trace the representation in the writer’s room or producers to the representation shown to us on screen or on the page. Not just in the Wire either, we can see in television shows dominated by male showrunners (Breaking Bad, Game of Thrones, Wire) that masculine production usually translates to masculinity being represented or over represented on screen. We can see this with big Hollywood too; Black Panther wasn’t one of the first all black movies due to black people not going to see movies; it was one of the first due to the lack of black filmmakers in Hollywood. Hearing more from other perspectives unfortunately requires us to seek out and amplify contributions to these mediums that were made by underrepresented groups.
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I totally agree with what you’re saying. I believe there is a new film called “Pimp” with Keke Palmer, but even then when watching the trailers I wonder if this depiction is accurate. There is ultimately silence from the women who are living this lifestyle, and I believe it is due to the suppression of their narratives. It is leaving me to wonder if anyone has done this research and spoken with women from this lifestyle to see their perspective. It makes me wonder if anyone even cares outside of our Media class, and how we can shed light on these untold, hushed narratives. In the Wire I feel the depiction of women in the gang is slim to none, but when it is they’re outside of the real stories and lifestyle of the game, I wish they had stayed on the show long enough to include a season about the female perspectives of this lifestyle and what these women have gone through, because I, like many others are probably very ignorant to the involvement and struggle of these women.
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I find your point very compelling. I think it would be a very different picture to see the game through the point of view of women. I believe It would completely change the outlook on things.
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This is the case for many people who are addicted to drugs. With no place to go they return to the only people who will take them in, family. In The Wire we see this happen, but on different terms. Bubbles is sick of living on the streets and being addicted to crack. He returns to his sisters house to live in the basement and try to get clean. His sister is apprehensive of this and does not allow him upstairs, due to events that she refers to in the past. She at one point mentions how the last time she let him upstairs she came home and her entire kitchen was gone, because Bubbles had soled her kitchen items to pay for his habit.
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This moment where Primo and Caesar are detailing the incident of robbing a drunken Mexican man was disturbing in and of itself, but even more disturbing because of their apparent pride over having abandoned the woman who helped them in a park, alone. This incident caused me to ponder the fact that in The Wire, we do not often see women involved in the game e or performing violence, until later seasons and specifically with Snoop. Overwhelmingly, however, the drug related crime falls onto the men, while the women depend on the men in their lives to support them. With Primo and Caesar, the woman who actually plays an active role in the crime, the woman is discarded and given no support whatsoever. Their retelling stands in direct contrast to the narrative told by The Wire, but neither paint a clear picture as to what the role of women in the drug game really is, because both stories are told by men.
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I was also struck by this segment of the reading because of the way the story is told and subsequently recorded here. It sounds like the woman was assisting in this situation by doing everything they told her to do (“‘Take everything, man! Search for everything!’ She found his chain…”). The woman here is so significant in their success robbing the man, yet she is treated poorly and disregarded later on as you point out. I think you raise an interesting commentary on how the Wire does not show this side of things and how that may be related to the reality of it being a story told by men. Given the lack of heavily developed female leads in the Wire and the lack of female voices in the writing room, this is frustrating. Yet it really is something that we see often in film and TV shows like the Wire which are set in the inner city (I’m thinking of films like Menace II Society and the portrayal of women there). Women in these scenarios are often only depicted as arm candy or sexual conquests of the male drug dealers or else as simplified drug addicts themselves. In the Wire this is most clear to me early on in the show when a women over-dosed at one of Avon’s parties and was left lying naked on a bed until they disposed of her body.
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The game does not treat women with respect. As seen here it was seen as macho and manly to display sexual conquests, women who were typically addicted to drugs and abused but put up with it becuase of their habit. We see this in The Wire as well. Especially in party scenes where there is a lot of drugs and alcohol involved there are women who are treated like animals. They are drugged and raped and then not given another thought. This point in the article reminded me of the scene when Avon Barksdale has a party in his basement. A woman overdoses and the men treat her so poorly, dispose of her body by wrapping it in a carpet, and do not even think about it again.
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The drug game as described here is an example of imperfect competition. It’s interesting as an economics major to look at this as a “model” of economic behavior. Like competitive markets, the drug trade has relatively low “barriers to entry,” as in anyone can get sucked in and end up selling. The products also respond to traditional economic factors such as supply and demand, and inferior vs normal goods. However, one of the most unique parts of the drug trade is that while the barrier to entry is minimal, the barrier for exiting is next to impossible if you don’t have your debts paid, especially if you are in a circumstance with few viable alternatives.
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When I read this sentence I immediately thought of Stringer sitting in a Macroeconomics class in The Wire. After class he asks his instructor what can be done if you are selling an inferior product in a competitive marketplace. I find it fascinating that the same economic principles hold up in white collar America and on the streets. I’ve heard it said before that it doesn’t matter what you’re selling, it only matters what people are buying. By that logic, price adjustments, contending with supply and demand, and dealing with inferior products are all about turning what you’re selling into what people are buying. We have talked a lot in class about how important incentives are in The Wire. I love how this quote and Stringer’s economics studies both demonstrate the consistency of economic principles/incentives that must be adhered to if one is to survive.
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Really liked the reference to Stringer’s economics class. Something that’s interesting to me is that he was taking a macroeconomics class, which focuses more on how the economy has a whole functions. I find this interesting because it shows that Stringer has been developing a deeper understanding of “the game” as social system with many complicated moving parts.
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I also think it is important to acknowledge the economics of the game. Even though the individuals in these chapters describe their work as outside of the legal economy, it is clear that such business operates according to economic principles, whether it is recognized in the formal economy or not. This is interesting because, what we may recognize as the informal or underground economy actually comprises these individuals’ income and existence; so for them this is their formal economy.
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It is interesting that the media generally portrays the drug trade, particularly during the crack epidemic, as a lawless, subhuman mess rather than the vast, organized institution it really is. As Bourgois and the wire show, the drug trade is a massive, carefully run institution just like any legal business. However, the media focused on images of individual addicts and dealers to scare the public rather than focusing on the larger organization. In a way, focusing on the expansiveness and structure of the drug trade could have scared the public even more by revealing how vast a network it really was. Perhaps this choice was made to propagate the idea that the types of people involved in inner city drug trades – generally poor African Americans – would not be capable of organizing and running such an elaborate organization and successful business.
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I really appreciate your comment and think that you point out very interesting ideas! As I was reading your comment I also began thinking about something that Bourgois writes about later on which has to do with the realities of how much money many street level dealers actually make (91-92). I think much of the general public do not realize how many dealers really do not make as much money as we might think they do. As I was reading your comment I was wondering if media portrayals had anything to do with commonly inflated understandings of how much money drug dealers make.
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I think both of these comments are really interesting, especially because of the way that this reading seems to set up Felix and Ray in contrasting roles as a disorganized and organized leader. One part of the reading that stood out to me was Bourgois’s comparison of “binge behavior” to normative modes of middle class conspicuous consumption, which I think is related to Emily’s point: media narratives do not seem to point out these similarities.
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Anna, I think you make a very interesting point here in the portrayal of the drug trade. This was actually one of the first realizations I had after starting the Wire, that the business is run much more smoothly and organized than the media portrays it to be. When we see examples of how Avon Barksdale and his gang do damage control in order to protect their employees, money, and the business, it is clear that the men had an elaborate and detailed structure to their business that is not assumed when the business of drug dealing comes up. Here, we also see how minutiae details, that many may think are not acknowledged in the drug trade, such as the noise and crowding by the stoop, is actually strategically discussed as an important aspect of the business.
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The drug trade is very organized and operates much like any business. I think that The Wire does a decent job of showing the drug trade as a business. It does not just show the crime, murder, and addiction that surrounds the trade. It shows the business side of things. Stringer Bell is a good example of how The Wire shows that the drug trade operates much like a business, with Stringer attending university economics classes to learn more about how to operate his trade efficiently and effectively.
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This sentence starting at “… he knew hot to discipline…” brings up an important balance about respect in the players of the game that we also see as a recurring theme in the Wire. In order to uphold their positions of authority, characters like Avon Barksdale and Stringer Bell in the Wire had to discipline the D’Angelo and other boys in the Pit on how the structure of their business works; however, I also noticed how important it was for those leaders to not overstep, as showing some sort of acknowledgment was important in keeping the younger boys in their business. Showing acknowledgement or appreciation for their employees is difficult as well, when you consider how the drug lords are assumed to act, and how they are supposed to maintain a facade of “toughness” without any sort of vulnerability.
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Hey Alexandra,
Thank you so much for your post. I thought your mention of mutual respect in The Wire was particularly insightful as it relates to this article. Something that struck out to me in regards to this element of mutual respect in the street is how we see it play out through the shifting and often volatile coalitions that form in the criminal syndicates in The Wire. Whether it be the New-Day Co-op, Prop Joe bringing in Marlo, or the basketball game between Prop Joe and Avon Barksdale, we always see examples of mutual respect that blur the lines between brutality, business, and civility.
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This was a great insight, although in The Wire we see how this mutual respect can always be crossed. There are these unwritten rules within the game but they are not always followed. I think we see this most often with Marlo as him and his gang were painted as ruthless killers in order to gain increasing power with every act of violence.
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I found the web of interrelated relationships between employers and employees to be quite bizarre. While I understand the “blood is thicker than water” argument and the importance of familial relationships throughout The Wire (especially with Avon), but I had never heard of something like this compadrazgo system. It seems like the “blood is thicker than water” argument is used to justify choosing your family over someone or something (presumably a better option) because of the reliability of family ties. However, its seems like the compadrazgo systems seeks to create familial relationships in order to manipulate addicts in order make them dependent on people like Ray because now they not only have the drugs they need, but also are tied as family members. What did you all make of the compadrazgo system?
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I think we see this in The Wire via the way in which the Barksdale gang operates at its highest levels. Stringer and Avon are not blood relatives, but they treat each other as close family. We also can see this in Poot and Bodie who have such a deep connection to Wallace, but become so deeply connected to the Barksdale gang that they betray their childhood friend and murder him. I am not necessarily surprised that this exists within the gang structure, but do find it as new information. I believe it does have a powerful effect too since it can help betray loyalties of blood. Moreso, the usage of it on addicts helps to strengthen a gang head, Ray in this case, and is a smart move within that structure. Though it is sad that the addicts become basically loyal followers of those causing them harm. It is an interesting relationship, and I wonder why I haven’t heard more about it prior to this. It seems like it ought to be a top priority when combating the structure of gangs.
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Iʻm also a bit critical of this kind of relationship because it asserts the male bond over the harm it causes the women they conquer. The example of Ray and Luis illustrates the idea that men are drawn together in relation to starting families with the same woman, yet it is not clear that this has positive results such as taking care of the woman or the children but rather a horizontal affiliation between the two fathers. I may be interpreting this incorrectly because it quite possibly might originate from non-nuclear family structures in Puerto Rico, but it seemed to me that the family was of less importance than the friendship of the two men.
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I’m glad you highlighted this paragraph because I also find the compadrazgo system interesting and bizarre. It seems to me that it is a amoral form of expanding the network of people around you that you can consider kin for the sake of personal gain and manipulation. Betraying one’s family for the sake of gain is one thing, but it is arguably worse to go through the effort of fostering kinship with others and then exploiting that relationship. The optimistic argument would be that compradrazgo truly is an extension of family, but I can’t help but think there are many ulterior motives at work in such a system. In my opinion, establishing “fictive kinship arrangements” is just wrong.
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Sean, I would have to agree that the “compadrazgo” term and sentiment seems to be for the sake of personal gain and manipulation. It seems as though it is simply a way of making an otherwise silent agreement with a friend you know you can trust, a very formal agreement instead. I think that Ray took advantage of what appears to be a sentimental term to use as a way in which to ensure loyalty by close friends in a high-risk business.
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I think the relationship can be good and bad and it’s hard to tell how it manifested because the story doesn’t touch on Ray much. Building genuine relationships among employee and employer is healthy, but it can also lead to the manipulation of those relationships, especially for dependent people like crack addicts. It seems likely that Ray utilized this system to knowingly take advantage of addicts but I’m hesitant to say that was his only motive.
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I believe that familial relationships like this kind are used as a method of control and manipulation. Avon and D’Angelo’s relationship always stood out to me because of how genuine and fake it seemed to me at the same time. On the one hand, Avon seemed like he truly cared about D’Angelo as his nephew and wanted what was best for him. For this reason, I believe that Avon would sort of take on a fatherly role for D’Angelo, which made D’Angelo’s allegiance to Avon stronger. However, Avon did not stop D from getting killed in the prison once D stopped giving Avon what he wanted, which shows that the “blood is thicker than water” scenario only applied for Avon and D’Angelo when D’Angelo was doing whatever Avon was telling him to do.
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There’s a lot to unpack in this entire paragraph about kinship networks and the ways that modern and traditional layers of kinship reinforce and complicate one another, but I wanted to highlight this sentence because I think it hints at the extent to which women perform labor in these relationships. Even in the street-culture relationships that Bourgois identifies as modern, women are constantly associated with a household – an association which tends to come with expectations of domestic labor – and their relationships appear almost secondary to the relationships that they make possible between other men.
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The sentence you highlighted was interesting. In The Wire, within the drug trade we see woman as you said “associated with the household.” Brianna Barksdale we see as playing a secondary role to Avon, where she runs money, but not much else. Avon consistently tells her to stay out of particular business operations and much of the time only seen as a protective mother and a loyal member of the Barksdale gang. They do not show her as a complex character.
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This kinship arrangement reminds me of the relationship between women and working over the course of human history. A trend that’s been noticed is that in modern times, the more women that are entering the workforce (as opposed to being homemakers), the faster the economy of a country develops. Likewise, most of the more underdeveloped countries in the world are plagued by the gendering of home vs professional work. Women in underprivileged neighborhoods / cities in the United States would be an interesting case study: we’ve seen how their involvement in the workforce at the country level can prove an economic benefit for everyone involved. Would this same thing happen at a smaller scale? If women shifted the paradigm and domestic duties were split between partners, would some of the economic hardship be lifted off these communities? Or are the systemic issues that are in place now preventing specifically that from happening?
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It is tempting to think that people begin selling drugs because there is no other job opportunities or because that is all they have ever known. However, this story shows that even when alternatives are available, selling drugs can be a more rewarding job than a legal job. While paying bail and lawyer fees can be seen as a business strategy to keep a business functioning, I found the thought of holiday bonuses and lobster dinners to be particularly interesting. Not only does Primo have more money, power, and social status as a dealer, but he is also treated with greater respect by (at least some of) his coworkers. This recognition for quality work is generally not present for minimum wage labor.
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This reminded me of On The Run, in the part where it talked about running from the cops. For most people, it seems like a no-brainer that running from the police is a bad idea. What is important to realize, as Goffman explains, running from the police does actually work enough of the time to make it a viable option. Often people say that when one considers jail time and legal fees etc., drug dealing doesn’t pay much. I think this overlooks the fact that there are drugs dealers who have performed a cost-benefit analysis and in some cases make vastly more money through drug dealing than they would legally.
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I also found this distinction very interesting as well. The opportunity cost (minimum wage job) may not equal or outweighs the benefits of being a dealer alone. I would be interested to look at the opportunity cost of time as well, the jail-time, the family/friend time, etc. Would the addition of the benefits of this time plus the minimum wage job compensation outweigh these crack dealer benefits? Also while this is a case where dealers may have the choice to work minimum wage jobs, how many actually have that choice? In my opinion I see the majority not having this choice between the two but instead are forced into the role of the streets.
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The discussion here about Primo’s benefits raises many questions for me. I wonder how someone like Primo could turn down such a high-paying and secure (with the said benefits) job for a minimum-wage job where you earn no respect, as well as very limited benefits. When considering the drug trade for a career, one’s first hesitation may be on the danger, and the ease of getting thrown in prison if ever caught. By bringing up the discussion of benefits, Ray is completely relieving those doubts about the safety and security of the job. I had not assumed, by just watching the Wire, that the leaders of the organizations, like Ray, had put this extensive amount of thought into offers they make employees upon promotion. This is also just yet another example of how the Game reflects the structure of a legitimate and legal business structure.
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I agree that these benefits would make dealing a tempting offer compared to legal prospects. Looking at other readings from the course that describe how hard it is for people with criminal records to get jobs, I think the offer becomes even more tempting. The Wire never really reflected this system though as the Barksdale crew in season 1 would send their lawyer for grunts like Bodhie. It makes sense though for real-world gangs to protect only the higher and harder to replace members, their skills/loyalty makes them more valuable than others.
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This comment made me think about the drug dealers on the wire. While we do see some of them do drugs on the show, most of them are not portrayed to be full on addicts to the point where doing drugs runs their lives. For them, its more about the money made and the business deals in the game. I find it to be an interesting point that the highest ranking dealers in the game on the show are not addicts, while it is also hard to imagine an addict character like Bubbles or his friend Johnny being successful drug dealers.
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I really appreciated your comment and the point you raise. The Wire certainly does not portray the image we see in this reading of drug dealers being addicted to their own product. I actually think it may have added significantly to the show if they had included such a narrative. Not only would this possibly offer some further realism to the show, but it would also likely garner more empathy from the audience as we see that the dealers themselves are also struggling. After reading your comment, I am realizing it would have been quite interesting to see less obvious of a divide between the drug users and the drug distributors in every character involved in the game.
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Although you make a very strong point about how the characters in the Wire are not portrayed as addicts I would argue that the use and selling of drugs have led them down a path of addiction. They are dependent on using drugs, which by definition makes them addicts. What is not portrayed is the effects that drug addiction has had on them in contrast to Bubbles. Rather what we see is the addiction to money that the drugs bring them. They are unable to break this cycle of addiction because they have been forced out of regular society and need income, but their use of the drugs contributes to this isolation. They have been surrounded by users and addicts since childhood, forcing them to follow those footsteps and become addicts themselves. While we do not see them abusing drugs as much as one would think, I believe they are addicted to both using drugs and dealing drugs.
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Julia brings up an incredibly important point. As an audience we see dealers through a tinted sense-especially in the wire which importantly shows how people connected to the drug trade are just like us-we see dealers are successful, smart, business-like- think Stringer’s attendance at night school- though we need to question could they really cary on without the partying, the women, the ‘lifestyle’, and even occasional drugs- whether at the level of Stringer or Bodie. Sometimes viewers can be narrow-mindedly too focused on making black and white conclusions- either addicted or function; either in the game or out of the game… etc.
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This reminded me of that time in season 1 in which D’Angelo tells Bodhie he needed to respect the junkies more. Psychologically, I guess being able to exert power over someone when you are yourself a disadvantaged person, who may not feel completely control in your own life, would be a nice power-trip. At the same time though I appreciate the fact that other dealers try to respect them. What is also interesting to consider is the government largely doesn’t deal with the junkies or when it does, they are often criminalized. In some respects, dealers like Primo might actually treat them more humanely than the government would.
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Money in the drug trade is inconsistent at times, so I believe this respect between dealers and junkies displays a mutual relationship for money. The idea that D’Angelo doesn’t get respect from police is a possible outcome of why he feels the junkies need to be respected. As junkies are at the bottom of the social hierarchy, he knows the atrocities of being an outcast because he is a former felon.
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The dealers’ comments about, and general treatment of, their customers stood out to me. Because I was so surprised to read early in the piece that Primo frequently reminisced about the year he spent out of control as an addict, I was even more struck to see a reversal in which Primo and Benzie acknowledge their situational power and ridicule the crack addicts that make up their customer base. It reminded me of David Simon’s refrain about The Wire as a Greek tragedy and the inevitability of individuals being trapped in institutions; Primo and Benzie both depend on drug sales for their livelihood, yet are so confident that addicts will buy from them that they are so bluntly racist, sexist, and morbid in the ways that they address them.
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I believe that this topic is an important one to highlight and discuss. The Wire does an incredibly subpar job of exploring the intersections and gender and race, and how institutional and oppressive forces weaponize both factors in order to dehumanize and subjugate individuals. While, as we once discussed as a class, it is possible to argue that the show decided to focus on class moreso than race, or race moreso than gender, it is impossible to fully separate oppressive systems. Race and gender are inherently intertwined because human beings exist who are oppressed for multiple aspects of their identity: women who are POC, but more specifically black women in the context of the scene to come. I believe that if The Wire were to be made today, and not touch on the topic of gender relations and women oppression, I would not be a huge proponent of the show.
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I completely agree with this comment and I am in a class right now that talks about intersectionality a lot. For example, Black Lives Matter, a movement created by three women is dominated by male police brutality stories. The most famous police violence and killing issues in the mainstream media have been centered around black males. There are just as many women that have faced violence and abuse from police officers but there is a flaw in our society where men are deemed more important and news worthy. I would argue that if the Wire were made today these issues would still heavily persist. The females of the Wire are not highlighted in the way the men are and this is something that is consistent among television today.
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I also agree with what you are saying and think that it is important to consider systems of oppression and how so much of this is intertwined and interconnected. As you point out, the Wire does not do the best job considering these things in its portrayal of the female characters. I think specifically about characters like Shardene who was so important for a few episodes early on in the show and then sort of completely falls off the face of the planet with only one or two brief/insignificant appearances later on. And Kima who additionally has another aspect of her identity being that she is lesbian. The show sort of presents her as being generally accepted and does little to showcase much of the complexity of her experience as a gay, black woman and how she would then be forced to navigate multiple systems of oppression in the real world. In part I’m sure the creators portray her as being so accepted to showcase a generally pleasant story, but it feels less real and lacks a certain sense of depth.
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This reminds me of the concept of internalized racism and some academic research done by Robert E. Washington about interracial discrimination. Washington in his essay, “Brown Racism and the Formation of a World System of Racial Stratification,” writes about how since the 1990s non-black people of color have been becoming more prejudiced towards black people at a global scale. Examining racial prejudices across a swathe of countries (the United States, Egypt, India, etc.), he found that systematically non-black people of color have been imitating white beauty standards (white desirability) and deeming black beauty standards and culture as less valuable. His main conclusion, insofar as internalized racism goes, is that one can internalize racism towards one’s own race as well as other races. This, he believes, leads to the rise of a global racial strata and international prejudice against black people.
Source: https://www.jstor.org/stable/20006991?seq=1#page_scan_tab_contents
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It doesnʻt surprise me that some racial antagonism exists between minority groups coexisting in a persistently poor urban environment; it just shocked me how fundamental that racism is for Caesar. For him, it isnʻt a matter of dark-skinned people being less than in a stereotypical way but rather a more generalized “eviler.” I think oppressed minorities look to assert their dominance over other minorities for the same reason that poor, uneducated whites in a similar circumstance will have racial biases towards Blacks and Hispanics: they have the need to distinguish themselves as better or more deserving to cope with the fact that they are in a similar economic situation. This relates to the 2016 election, where Trump harped on these implicit racial biases to a base of mostly lower class whites who faced economic uncertainty similar to lower class Blacks. In a way, this wedge issue is essentially built-in because people want to feel themselves hierarchically superior to others.
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This sentence addresses the idea of drug sellers taking from their own stash and becoming addicts. This is a theme that is less talked about in the Wire, which is slightly surprising considering the amount of references to drugs within the show. I believe that this sentence reaffirms the ideas surrounding the “game” and how there are no set rules to it; some people are more strict and set on the rules like the Barksdales while others just plan as they go, like Ceasar.
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I think your comment raises an interesting point in overlapping sellers and users. I think it would have been an interesting (and realistic) story line if the show included more examples of situations like this one we see with Caesar.
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When drugs are active and present in a person’s surrounding, it is almost impossible to avoid using them. The Wire does an amazing job of explaining the ramifications of drug abuse, and Primo and Caesar parallel with many of the characters who become addicts in the show. In the Wire, Bubbles begins as strictly an addict, but as his life progresses, he distances himself from this manipulative lifestyle. He constantly tries to save others around him including Johnny and Sherrod, but he realizes the consequences of this horrendous addiction. Although Bubbles was no saint himself, he understood discipline and worked whenever he wasn’t abusing drugs. To work and recover from addiction, it ultimately led to his survival because he was an anomaly amongst the other addicts in the show.
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the word “sympathized” stood out to me in this sentence. This entire reading made me more aware of how at risk these dealers are to become victims of addiction, and how the addiction can be such a burden in one’s life as well as being nearly impossible to quit. I could imagine that it is very tempting for dealers who are around large amounts of these drugs, it becomes very tempting for them to steal or become users themselves.
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It is interesting that the wire does not include any dealers or anyone in Avon/ Marlo’s organizations with a serious drug addiction. As shown by Bourgois, dealers themselves are not immune from addiction, and in many ways are more prone to it. However, in the wire the dealers and addicts are distinctly separate. Bubble is entirely removed from the operations of the game, and none of the dealers seem to struggle with any addiction issues. I wonder why the wire decided to draw such a distinct line between the true addicts and the dealers, as it seems those groups would overlap.
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I also find it surprising that not one of the dealers in the game struggles with addition. Although, I might push back against your comment about Bubbles. While it is true that Bubbles is removed from drug dealing and sales, I would say he is not entirely removed from the operations of the game. In contrast, he has insight about the ongoings and operations of the game due to his addiction. I distinctly remember the first season when he is placing hats on the dealers, while Kima captures these interactions on camera. His troublesome addiction causes him to have a unique inside involvement in the game. Yet, he uses this for good, to support the police and eventually recover from addiction.
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These few sentence reminded me of Namond Brice. Obviously he is not a drug-addict, but I feel like Namond went through multiple schemes of rehabilitation within “the game” of The Wire. The first scheme was Bodie trying to make Namond go from a lazy drug-dealer into a hard working, disciplined drug dealer. This was a rehabilitation of his drug-dealing practices. The second scheme was Namond’s mother trying to make him go from an emotional, soft-minded child into an emotionless, hard-minded man that portrayed the ideal male of the drug trade. Parts of this kind of rehabilitation was done through leaving him to go to jail, verbal abuse, and shaming. Lastly, the scheme of rehabilitation that we see as most prominent in the show with Namond is when he meets Bunny Colvin. He tries to rehabilitate Namond from his past where all he knew was gangs and drugs, where Bunny wanted him to become an upstanding citizen that was polite, informed, and open-minded. In my view, this was Namond’s process of rehabilitation within “the game.”
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There is a common saying “don’t get high on your own supply.” We saw this assumed rule throughout The Wire but in this piece Caesar clearly didn’t follow the unspoken rule. If in fact they believed their supply was the best and selling to their employees would also provide them with more revenue, why is purchasing and using their own supply so frowned upon? I see one possibility that if they use their own supply and get caught and searched by the police, if its someone else’s supply it would not be traced back to their specific gang/business. Another reason for this rule could be similar to the situation here with Caesar, it promotes lazy/ unreliable behavior and makes them unlikely to do their job and if they do it will be done poorly. Are there any other unspoken rules that apply?
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I was surprised by how frequently the theme of mental health reappeared throughout the chapter. It is both shocking and heartbreaking to think that one would attempt to kill oneself to receive social security money. This makes me wonder if this is a reoccurring instance or common practice for others. If so, psychological assistance programs, to address addiction or mental conditions, need to be increasingly available. Those who are most in need of treatment or psychological care are unlikely to receive it. Sales of illegal drugs and self-harm should not have to be means for survival.
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This comment bring me back to Anderson’s Code of the Streets in the introduction when they were describing the various repurposed hotel/shelters in Midtown situated between nicer neighborhoods with more resources-especially mental health resources. There are very few to no mental health resources for the less affluent in this country, as public health seems to mainly focus on physical health leaving mental health to the private sector. Ceasar’s situation demonstrates the lengths which some may go to in order to seek simply stability, and for others they may simply be stuck without options to combat their mental health issues in order to reach security.
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I believe this is a prominent issue in the United States because many of the citizens in the United States who aren’t affluent or working will exploit the system to receive money. Both of my parents are social workers, and this is a recurring issue that they deal with on a daily basis. Although this is morally wrong, there is no significant way to measure suffering, so it is extremely likely that Caesar has post-traumatic stress disorder from working in the drug trade, which could trigger his “rage.” One aspect of your comment that stood out is the word, “survival.”, and this shows the level of morality and integrity when measuring the values of a person.
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For some people like Benzie, working in the drug economy can offer the opportunity of a better life. When legal work is scarce and the jobs that are available don’t pay well and are unfulfilling, selling crack or other drugs can offer more money and a (relatively) better work environment. Of course, there are more risks, especially psychological ones; constant fear of death or imprisonment and a violent work environment just to name a couple. In The Wire, characters like Stringer Bell and Proposition Joe are able to thrive in the drug market by limiting their connections to dangerous and illegal acts. However, they can never truly escape the dangers associated with being involved in an illegal operation.
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I think that the point you raise is very important, that not all (and arguably none) of the people wrapped up in the drug game have entered this trade by choice. It is a consequence of their surroundings and the environment in which they exist— including, as you discussed, the state of the economy and which job opportunities are/ are not available. It is also important to note that those whose employment is tied to the drug game are not too “lazy” to get a “real job,” but rather have a job that does require many hours of labor and strategizing, perhaps even on a more taxing level than other “real” legal jobs.
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I found this part to be particularly interesting when the article mentioned, “It was only once her fully immersed himself in street culture’s underground economy as a powerful figure – a dealer – that he was able to stop using crack.” I was intrigued by this statement because prior to being a drug dealer, he was using often and then went cold turkey. It makes me wonder if drug dealers see the emotional toils and desperation of their customers and users, that after seeing that, they do not want to use anymore. The dealers can see what it does to people. Throughout The Wire, we don’t see Stringer, Avon, or Omar “get high off their own supply” which is a testament to being on the other side of drug dealing.
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I also think there is definitely an element of hierarchy that plays into the decision to move to from being a janitor to a drug dealer. Being a drug dealer was definitely a better life for Benzie because not only was he probably able to make more money, but he enjoys a position of relative power, prominence, and respect in the drug trade, rather being the lowest man on the totem pole as a janitor. I am reminded of season 3 here, where Stringer tries to get into the condominium market but is met with obstacles because he does not know the politics of Baltimore. Avon comments that Stringer isn’t smart enough to be “out there” and isn’t tough enough to be in the game. While it’s not a perfect comparison, I notice how Stringer is extremely well versed and understands the drug trade, but that isn’t enough for him to survive in the non-drug world.
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I agree that the drug economy can offer opportunities for a better life for some, as we see with Benzie in this story. However, Stringer and Proposition Joe are extreme examples of how luxurious a life in the game can be. While these characters got a lot of the benefit of drug dealing without having to risk their lives daily, it would not have been possible without the protection of a network of lower-level workers. Just like with any job, the higher-ups in the drug game are able to thrive at the expense of hard-work and suffering from the less privileged workers. In particular, the mid-level dealers and enforcers such as Wee-Bey and Slim Charles provided protection for Avon, Stringer, and the organization as a whole. While their job was risky, it was generally more predictable and infrequent than the jobs to be carried out on a day-to-day basis by street-level dealers who must regularly deal with cops, rival gangs, and addicts on a daily basis. It is still worth considering if the life of these lower-level dealers is better than it would be at a minimum-wage legal job, but the disparity between the drug-dealing versus legal job is less dramatic.
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One of my favorite lines from The Wire is when Marlo visits Avon in prison. While Avon is explaining to the young Marlo, he asserts his dominance and describes himself as an authority figure. When evaluating the array of drug dealers in The Wire, we never see any of the kingpins wasting their money on their workers, and this is why each kingpin is successful in their operation. Rather than providing them with charity, they make their workers earn promotions and let them rise throughout the ranks by doing various tasks to increase their wealth and respect. This is where Benzie and Caesar’s operation failed because they weren’t hard enough on their workers and splurged money on drugs and hotels, instead of wisely spending or saving it. In The Wire, Proposition Joe didn’t really care for Cheese, but he gave him an outlet to rise. Same for Avon & D’Angelo, Avon made his nephew work just like everybody else because it taught him about the importance of work ethic.
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I agree with you that splurging on hotels wasn’t a wise business decision but I think charity (or what looks like charity) could have its place in “the Game”. Take Omar and Marlo for example, both dealers gave out drugs or money for free. In Omar’s case by giving out drugs in whatever neighborhood he moved into he gained lookouts that would warn him if gangs wanted to retaliate. Marlo is different as by distributing money he was demonstrating a certain level of power as well as ingratiating himself with potential recruits for his gang/army. I see Primo’s habits as more similar to Omar, as spending money on his friends that hanged around the Game Room did give him some form of early warning. Overall though I do think Proposition Joe and Avon’s methods are more effective but the system worked for Primo for years, he just didn’t excel in the field, which is worth considering.
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It is counterintuitive to think that drug dealers don’t make money. They raise the price of the drug in order to make a profit, so one would think that they make enough money to sustain themselves and their lifestyle. However, some drug dealers use their supply to get high and end up in the same cycle of using that their buyers are in. They don’t have expendable income because when they have the drugs, alcohol, hotels, and parties enticing them, they cannot see the light in front of them. They are not thinking about their future and what they could possibly be spending money on. As mentioned, they have limited options for what they can spend their money on constructively, thus, they see what is in front of them (the heroin, crack, or cocaine).
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I also think that the wealth drug dealers accumulate tends to be temporary because of the spending habits. As you said, they have limited options for what they can spend their money on, so it tends to get spent on material things or parties. It doesn’t seem like people like Stringer Bell are likely to invest their money in the stock market or investments (like the failed condominium project), and as such, when the money runs out, new drug trades spring up to generate more profits/money.
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The inability for drug dealers to hold onto their money is likely related to their mistrust of the legal economy. If a drug dealer saves up large amounts of money, it won’t be long before someone asks where it came from. Making investments could also appear suspicious if they do not have appropriate fronts that could be used to convince others their wealth is legitimate. (I can’t imagine quarter arcade machines would make someone rich). This factor encourages them to simply spend money when they have it, in a wasteful manner.
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I think the point the article is trying to make is that like most Americans, they get money, they spend money. When you are born in poverty, you donʻt learn from your parents to put money away in the bank or invest it. There was no money to save. While there is definitely waste, I donʻt find this substantially different from how most Americans blow their paychecks on expensive dates, new clothes, or a concert ticket. I think we tend to view drug dealers, especially young men of color, as wasteful when they spend money on non-necessities like jewelry or expensive clothes, but it all relates to a cultural capital that Elijah Anderson describes in his article. When you grow up without tradition markers of wealth, being fashionable can substitute as a mark of respect. Spending money on those things likely carried over from those childhood value systems.
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This sentence reminded me of Ziggy’s behavior’s in The Wire. His sudden windfall of drug trade money resulted in spending on superfluous items. He had no understanding of what to do with the money he was making, which made it even more obvious that he was operating in illegal business. While Ziggy does not grapple with addiction, which some individuals involved in drug dealing do, he does get overly involved in the work that he is doing. He becomes so emotionally invested, that he resorts to killing when he doesn’t get money that he has been promised. His behavior, and that of crack dealers, represents the repercussions of the disappearances of legal labor.
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I think that Ziggy is an excellent example of this dynamic on The Wire, especially since the Barksdale organization is so meticulous and cautious in their operations. Ziggy spends compulsively and conspicuously, and makes purchases that are not necessarily good investments or steps toward upward mobility. Ziggy is also interesting as an example of this because of the resentment his general demeanor and windfall seem to cause among members of his social group and work community.
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This is something that we talked about in class and in another reading – that drug dealers don’t make as much money as television/stereotypes make it seem. In many situations they are only making enough money to live day-to-day. I think in many ways television and movies glorify the drug dealing lifestyle as rich and lavish, forcing viewers to believe that there are these monetary benefits from illegal trade. Drugs and money are always intertwined and much of this article reiterates this point, in showing how money was a integral part to their operation. It’s possible that these men would have liked other ways to earn money, but because mainstream society and the legal economy has rejected them they are unable to find alternatives.
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This point definitely supports the role of media, what they choose to publicize/glorify and how this shapes the views of society. We should have more realistic representations such as The Wire, which show few, Stinger, Avon, and Marlo, as the only ones who have a more lavish lifestyle. This piece didn’t glorify drug-dealing unless you are at the highest possible level, the top dog, and if you weren’t you are barely making enough to survive. To your final point of mainstream society not offering stable/minimum wage alternatives to felons, I would be interested to see how Poot and Cutty obtained and worked through the attached stigma of being a convicted criminal in the work force.
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All of the material factors— money, working conditions, stability of pay and hours, and lower likelihood of incarceration— all lead to the conclusion that the crack economy would be inferior to the legal economy. Some of the intangible factors in opposition are respect on the street and the generational theme of working on the streets. While it is very clear to us that the legal economy would definitely outweigh the crack economy, is it a case of these common intangible factors (generational/cultural now and respect) that lead men to pick the crack economy over the legal economy? Or is it the political factors that are barring these men from entering the legal economy and therefore only giving them the opportunity to enter the crack economy in the first place?
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These sentences demonstrate how this ethnography like the wire importantly emphasized how we- as university students especially- have much more in common with members of the drug trade than we may think or certain than the media portrays such people to be. Here Benzie shows going through with the consequences of his own actions and decisions, which we as college students do everyday. He is even accepting the consequence of leaving the legal sector to start working with Primo and Ray. Many students here enjoy pushing the boundaries, just like Benzie, Primo, Cesar, etc. we all deal with the consequences- this small fact brings us more unity than may be perceived on the surface.
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Hey Sophie,
Thank you so much for your comment. I totally agree that, in this light, these people seem to more heavily resemble college students. However, one must also realize that the consequences for their actions (The same actions that we perform) are radically different. If we “break night,” we miss class and at worst suffer an incrementally lower grade. For these people, in the same age group as us, they lose a job and must resort to the informal economy to make a living. This indicates a much higher burden of responsibility placed on lower income people with less economic opportunity.
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Crack dealing offers an opportunity for young colored males to assert their masculinity through superior power relations with addicts. Working for white people in a low-status job must exert a tremendous emotional toll due to comparisons to slavery and simply being in a lesser position. Despite the many misgivings of crack dealing, it does offer men the chance to exert power over others and develop a sense of importance and fulfillment.
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For Benzie who ended up working in a health gym working for white people would not necessarily be an attractive position for him. He went from having some power to having no power at all and serving the people who don’t look at him twice or pay him any attention. It would make drug dealing seem like a viable career option because at least he would exert some power over his subordinates. However, when he is the subordinate, it makes him angry and mad at his overall situation.
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I agree with you both in that drug dealers feel empowered because they have authority over lower ranking dealers. However, is there any empowerment in taking a perhaps less desirable job to get of the game and work a job that is legal? I think it’s a hard sell, but Cutty comes to mind. When he can no longer be a soldier in the game because his conscious catches up with him he instead works to scrounge together enough money to open a boxing gym. Of course, the brutal irony of that whole situation is that Cutty had to go back to Avon to get the money he needed for equipment. What can be done in our society to ensure that people moving away from violence, drug culture, and the game are empowered elsewhere? Is that empowerment even possible without referring back to connections an individual had while in the game?
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This tittle is very thought provoking to me, as we think of those involved in the drug trade as easily garnering whatever level of respect they desire- usually equal to or higher than what they deserve on the totem pole of the game. Though through this ethnography and through the wire we see that it is much harder than the media usually portrays for members of the drug trade to revived the treatment and respect they deserve; as well as making it through the initiation or challenges/responsibilities of climbing the ranks of the drug trade. Figures like Ray and Stringer have to work hard to climb up into their position as well as embody characteristics such as the ability to “express friendship and flexible understanding without ever revealing vulnerability”(81 ). This is an incredible skill to have- again back to emphasizing we are so much more alike than it may seem.
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I found this comment to be especially powerful and saddening in this discussion. Benzie is proud of his legal economy work and most of all, that his father is proud of him (his father was never involved in the drug trade). There is clearly more to the story that Benzie doesn’t tell about his relationship with his father, but it reminds me of how isolating the life of a drug addict is— that family is not always there or doesn’t always know what to do. The relationship between a father and son can be especially fraught when it involves the drug trade. How do you guys think the Wire deals with issues of fatherhood?
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This seems to be a common trend in portrayals of women living in the inner city amongst members of the drug trade both in shows/films like the Wire and actually in many of the ethnographic readings we have done for this class. In the Wire, women like Bernard’s girlfriend and Donette are portrayed as being in the relationships they are in because they are with drug dealers who make money. In Anderson’s Code of the Streets we also see this theme and idea that women like dating drug dealers because they have money to buy them things. Is this oversimplifying the women that live within these realities? Though there is absolutely nothing wrong with wanting the sense of security that comes with money I would think that these portrayals of women are oversimplified. Again I think this calls for the necessity of hearing more from the perspective of women coming from these situations in order to gain a better and more fully developed vision of this reality.
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Many people in the working class are pushed into illegal acts such as selling drugs because the pay isn’t decent enough to make an honest living, but it is ironic because the drug dealers want to escape their life too. Poot didn’t get a regular job at Foot Locker until many of his friends died, and he only survived because he moved away from the drug trade. He watched two of his best friends, Wallace and Bodie, die and this most likely had traumatizing effect on him. This is the concept that Primo is attempting to explain to Phillipe, the challenges are greater than the advantages. Being constantly surrounded by violence and death outweighs the benefits of a lavish lifestyle and consistent income.
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The idea that legal work eliminates leisure is a brutal truth about working in America. People who make an honest living often barely get by. On the other hand, if someone positions him/herself in the right way in the game there is hope for a lot more money then they’d earn “working legal.” The incentives here are pretty clear and the decision for those driven by making money is simple: choose the game for a chance at wealth and leisure. That said, in The Wire the game often does people wrong in that they don’t see much money. Bodie comes to mind. He was a diligent soldier and died without reaping any of the benefits he expected for his hard work. Still, Bodie was able to indulge in leisure. In season 3 he brings Cutty to a party where debauchery ensues. Had Bodie tried to make an honest living it’s possible he would no longer have time for such leisures.
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I think you make a really strong point here, which is often overlooked. Those who choose to take legal jobs and work extremely hard, often barely earn a livable wage. This reminds me of articles we have read about the school system, in which there is little incentive to stay in school, graduate, go to college, and get a job. Students drop out because they can quickly earn money and attain status on the streets, but not in the classroom. If positive reinforcements were in place to encourage them to stay in school, it is possible that they could work their way to jobs paying above the living wage. An additional factor in this issue is that individuals raised amidst gangs and drug trade have likely not had role models or examples to follow on these paths. If leisure and illegal labor are all one knows to get by, this is the path he will follow.
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This is very similar to the situation that Cutty Wise encountered after leaving jail. His “good intentions” led him to an operation with Slim Charles to kill another person. Cutty, similar to Primo, had “limited options in the legal economy” and found himself rejected again and again. For these reasons, Cutty had to create his own employment because he could not find his fit or place in the formal economy. By starting the boxing gym it showed the audience that without enough persistence and drive to be moral you can find outlets to make it happen. To argue against myself though, Cutty was lucky because he was allowed out of the game. For many other characters there was no way for them to leave – causing them to be in the illegal economy forever.
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I think this is also tied in with the capitalist trope that addicts or dealers in these situations should “pull themselves up by the bootstraps.” For the people in this ethnography, they have a choice whether to enter the legal labor market or the drug market. However, the choice to enter the drug market is MUCH easier than entering the legal labor market. The legal economy has so many barriers and opportunities for failure that entering the drug market is the easiest, safest, and immediately economically secure option.
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This section reminded me of a book I read called “Pimp” by Iceberg Slim, who was really Robert Beck, an African American pimp in the U.S. who wrote fictional novels based on his experiences, in “the game.” It was interesting that this paralleled with how Iceberg got into the Pimp game for extra money and a living wage and got addicted to the success and money he was making, and how it made him feel powerful, and capable of deciding his destiny.
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After analyzing this first sentence in the paragraph, it made me think about the double standard surrounding the availability of jobs and the necessary wage to live. As stated in the sentence, Primo could potentially not participate in illegal activities if the legal careers were open to hiring him. However, Primo is stuck in a position where he needs to make money to survive and the best money seems to come from selling drugs, which steers him on a path to illegality. This makes me wonder how individuals are labeled as good and bad based on their actions and if there is more to be accounted for, such as need to make a living, when discussing good vs. bad people?
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I found these expansions to be especially interesting. The Wire showed gangs owning legitimate property for money laundering purposes but Ray’s group is sinking money into renovating the The Social Club. I suppose it makes sense having a nicer place might attract more customers and diversifying the crowd by selling booze could camouflage the crack dealing. Still though sinking money into a building they don’t own seems wasteful in way. In The Wire they would build up corners by selling good product at low prices but they never really bought furniture for the drug users. Perhaps more furniture meant they had more hiding spots for the stash.
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Though all of these activities are illegal, there is such a strong order of capitalism that can be applied to all the dealings. Over the course of this paragraph, and the few preceding ones, we see elements of a capitalistic economy arise. The competition between them is not something one thinks about when imagining drug dealers. The way that the author describes the situation with “lowered wages, reduced work hours, and lost managerial autonomy” add a sort of legitimacy to this. This trade is taken very seriously by those involved. Then the talk about commissions and permanent price changing shows the idea of capitalistic competition. That competition in a market leads to better prices for consumers, but it can also be damaging to those who already are hurt from their circumstances. It is very odd to me to think of the drug trade in such a pure economic way since it often isn’t portrayed and taught that way in mass media.
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I think a big part of why the economics of the drug trade aren’t addressed more in mainstream media is because people like to think of anyone involved in the drug trade is unintelligent or incapable of holding a regular job. The media reinforces that idea by making the drug trade seem like a collection of loosely related illegal actions rather than as the structured business it really is.
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I think this a strong observation. One aspect I would like to add is labor relations between the owner of production and the workers. These class antagonisms are well-documented, but they become increasingly complicated in the drug trade. First, they are all “family” or close friends, which makes subjugating workers more difficult. Second, there is no means of unionizing because collective bargaining could be broken by violence. And third, the drug game, of course, is illegal. However, we still see the issues involved in a capitalist system that has a manager and low-skilled laborers with decreased wages and hours that accompany poor output.
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This reminds me of an article I read in the New York Times about why one should always disclose to coworkers one’s salary. Particularly in light of the gender and race wage gaps, the informational asymmetry between employer and employee can lead to discrimination and mistreatment of employees to the benefit of the employer. Obviously, this particular scenario is complicated by the direct and conflict-ridden relationship between Tony and Primo. But, if the labor faction within this drug front was united and able to talk openly about their salary, they would be able to fight against the hierarchical drug dealing structure that keeps them perpetually locked into poverty.
Source: https://www.nytimes.com/2018/08/31/smarter-living/pay-secrecy-national-labor-rights-act.html
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This passage got me thinking about white privilege. I think the stereotype of many poor neighborhoods is that it’s not safe for white people, but here the evidence is the opposite and to me this seems like a form of white privilege. In this example, the white person is a deterrent to stick up kids because it is assumed that the white person has connections to either law enforcement or simply people that will make a big deal if something happens to them. I think it is white privilege because it is assumed that this person is of high status because of race and therefore is in less danger.
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Hey Jesse,
Thank you so much for your comment. While I totally agree about your point regarding white privilege, I am also interested in taking this conversation out of a purely binary racial dimension and seeing where that lands. For example, what if the writer was hispanic or asian? Is there some sort of universally agreed upon racial hierarchy of what race constitute what status? If so, where is the line drawn? Do white maintain the monopoly on privilege in this regard or does it apply to other race groups? I do not have the answers to these questions but would be fascinated in learning more about the answer.
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The sentence, and paragraph at large, about it doubling “as a pool hall and bootleg bar” makes me think of Al Capone being taken down for his tax evasion. The rest of the paragraph is interesting as it shows how elusive drug dealers can be, and the difficulties in making arrests. Each of the ways in which the police, or system, stymie the place of operation are never for drug related charges. Each time they are for other violations like fire code or selling alcohol without a license. Then there are the work arounds about ownership being in the name of New York City. This paragraph as a whole makes me wonder other ways in which the system is gamed, and to what extent does it get purposefully tolerated.
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This passage reminded me of the use of confidential informants, particularly Bubbles, in The Wire. Throughout the series, Bubbles identifies high-level dealers and gives information on their activity to Kima. The loyalty of Bubbles is due to Kima’s humane treatment and genuine interest in his well-being. Bubbles is willing to work in exchange for the money he needs, but he also puts himself at risk giving information about dangerous criminals. Despite these risks, he is motivated to return to Kima because he trusts her. It is this trust from individuals in the community that is necessary for police to understand the daily activities in their neighborhood.
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I agree fully that police need to have a certain level of involvement/trust with the community to be effective at their job. In season 4, Carver had built up his knowledge of the area and instead of chasing the kids down to arrest them he showed up to their hangout spot later to tell them to stop. He was cultivating trust which likely facilitated Randy opening up to him later in the season. In the same season we also see Herc repeatedly fail to help Bubbles and consequently the police lost their best confidential informant.
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This sentence and this paragraph as a whole made me question the extent to which the participant-observer method violates ethics when it comes to inadvertently or indirectly covering for drug dealers. As a white person, Bourgois unintentionally alters the criminal environment he is trying to study simply by virtue of his presence there. How does his ethnicity influence the degree to which others let him in to see the whole story? Also, he spent 5 and a half years observing a crack operation. How can someone who lived that reality go back to being an academic? Is this a reasonable academic exercise to expect from people? If it were a psychology study, no subject would ever be allowed to go through that.
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This section and question reminds me of how I felt reading Gang Leader for a Day. Sudhir Venkatesh also played with the lines here during his ethnography as well. To write such an in depth piece they fully immerse themselves into the culture and even flirt with the law at times. I do believe that these sociologists, which are not of the same race/cultural background as the gangs they are inserting themselves into, case the environment to change and the change may be a less realistic representation than a typical/not intruded gang. They are likely getting a watered down, half version of the lifestyles. As long as they follow the law, I do believe they can go back to academic lifestyles since it simply adds more to their understanding and knowledge and allows them to be more informed. In the case of Sudhir I remember he did it mostly on his own without being told to. Academics should not be forced to performs studies likes this but also should not be stopped if they wish to.
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Throughout the essay, many of the drug dealers mention that if they were to work in a legal economy, they would “be good” and have “different friends.” However, working in a legal economy for them posed issues for them because they could never get the kind of managerial position they had in the drug ring. This makes working in the legal economy a deterrent. They were wise with how they operated their drug dealing business. They are shopkeepers, bookkeepers, accountants, sellers, and essentially business men working in an illegal economy. This is not to say that what they’re doing is completely illegal, but the way they have figured out how to avoid arrests and being sly about their operations is that of a savvy business person.
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This passage really drives home the point that the drug dealers are literally gambling with their lives. It is astounding to think that something that is seemingly as simple as hiding the stash could be a difference of four years of incarceration. Something the Wire isn’t able to show, because it take place over 5-6 years, is the real time effect of prison sentences. We see Cutty released after serving a hefty prison sentence, but it would be interesting to see a show that followed someone like Cutty from the very beginning.
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