FDR's State of the Union Address (July 6, 1941)
0 General Document comments
0 Sentence and Paragraph comments
0 Image and Video comments
Every realist knows that the democratic way of life is at this moment being directly assailed in every part of the world—assailed either by arms, or by secret spreading of poisonous propaganda by those who seek to destroy unity and promote discord in nations that are still at peace.
destroy those values. He encourages the nation to rise above such propaganda and not be persuaded by the enemies.
During 16 long months this assault has blotted out the whole pattern of democratic life in an appalling number of independent nations, great and small. The assailants are still on the march, threatening other nations, great and small.
He needed to convince the American people and gain their support. He argued that by aiding Britain, the U.S. was fighting for universal freedom for everyone.
Therefore, as your President, performing my constitutional duty to "give to the Congress information of the state of the Union," I find it, unhappily, necessary to report that the future and the safety of our country and of our democracy are overwhelmingly involved in events far beyond our borders...
The need of the moment is that our actions and our policy should be devoted primarily—almost exclusively—to meeting this foreign peril. For all our domestic problems are now a part of the great emergency.
While this was before Pearl Harbor and the US had not yet declared war, FDR is speaking like war is not only inevitable, but part of America’s duty to defend democracy.
Just as our national policy in internal affairs has been based upon a decent respect for the rights and the dignity of all our fellow men within our gates, so our national policy in foreign affairs has been based on a decent respect for the rights and dignity of all nations, large and small. And the justice of morality must and will win in the end.
At this point in time, the majority of United States citizens believe that the US should stay out of the war because they had no reason to. FDR makes a powerful argument that just as it is important to protect the lives and well-being of US citizens, it is also important to protect those who are suffering in the world.
Our national policy is this:
comforting for the public to have a clear plan (in comparison to other presidents’ vagueness)
First, by an impressive expression of the public will and without regard to partisanship, we are committed to all-inclusive national defense.
Second, by an impressive expression of the public will and without regard to partisanship, we are committed to full support of all those resolute peoples, everywhere, who are resisting aggression and are thereby keeping war away from our hemisphere. By this support, we express our determination that the democratic cause shall prevail; and we strengthen the defense and the security of our own nation.
This allows for the people to more greatly understand how these actions are and will protect America in this War.
Third, by an impressive expression of the public will and without regard to partisanship, we are committed to the proposition that principles of morality and considerations for our own security will never permit us to acquiesce in a peace dictated by aggressors and sponsored by appeasers. We know that enduring peace cannot be bought at the cost of other people's freedom.
(which offered to halt expansion in China if the US repealed economic sanctions against Japan). This decision ultimately resulted in Japan’s decision to attack Pearl Harbor and bring the US into formal war
In the recent national election there was no substantial difference between the two great parties in respect to that national policy. No issue was fought out on this line before the American electorate. Today it is abundantly evident that American citizens everywhere are demanding and supporting speedy and complete action in recognition of obvious danger.
While FDR does use realpolitik as a justification for the increased level of preparedness and involvement in the conflict he is proposing, discussing the long term security threat that the defeat of the Allies would be for the US, he puts significantly more emphasis on the importance of protecting and promoting values such as democracy and the American way of life at home and abroad, and states his diplomatic philosophy is rooted in respect for all nations regardless of size, the opposite of diplomatic realpolitik.
In this paragraph FDR also promotes national unity by detailing how “American citizens everywhere” agree on building up the Defense Department. He seeks to make the issue not a partisan one, but one that all Americans agree on.
Therefore, the immediate need is a swift and driving increase in our armament production.
Leaders of industry and labor have responded to our summons. Goals of speed have been set. In some cases these goals are being reached ahead of time; in some cases we are on schedule; in other cases there are slight but not serious delays; and in some cases—and I am sorry to say very important cases—we are all concerned by the slowness of the accomplishment of our plans...
Although the United States was not technically at war yet, Roosevelt stressed the need to up war production and asked Congress for the funds necessary to do that. He urges industry, labor, and agricultural leaders to help the Allies. FDR called for sacrifice, higher taxes, and cooperation from the American people as part of his plan for “the emergency,” which makes it sound urgent that America prepare.
I also ask this Congress for authority and for funds sufficient to manufacture additional munitions and war supplies of many kinds, to be turned over to those nations which are now in actual war with aggressor nations.
Our most useful and immediate role is to act as an arsenal for them as well as for ourselves. They do not need man power, but they do need billions of dollars worth of the weapons of defense.
By branding the US as an Arsenal of Democracy, FDR increases patriotic/nationalist sentiment since Americans believe that they will be the saviors to the broken political systems of Europe. (American Exceptionalism)
The time is near when they will not be able to pay for them all in ready cash.
We cannot, and we will not, tell them that they must surrender, merely because of present inability to pay for the weapons which we know they must have...
The happiness of future generations of Americans may well depend upon how effective and how immediate we can make our aid felt.
No one can tell the exact character of the emergency situations that we may be called upon to meet.
The nation's hands must not be tied when the nation's life is in danger.
He recognizes that some day, America may be in a similar position, and by doing this, he attempts to ensure that the same aid will be offered by other nations to America if America is to be in danger. FDR is also setting an example for global relations in the future, believing this is what nations should do for each other- putting cooperation above material gains.
We must all prepare to make the sacrifices that the emergency—almost as serious as war itself—demands. Whatever stands in the way of speed and efficiency in defense preparations must give way to the national need.
A free nation has the right to expect full cooperation from all groups. A free nation has the right to look to the leaders of business, of labor, and of agriculture to take the lead in stimulating effort, not among other groups but within their own groups.
The best way of dealing with the few slackers or trouble makers in our midst is, first, to shame them by patriotic example, and, if that fails, to use the sovereignty of government to save government.
As men do not live by bread alone, they do not fight by armaments alone. Those who man our defenses, and those behind them who build our defenses, must have the stamina and the courage which come from unshakable belief in the manner of life which they are defending. The mighty action that we are calling for cannot be based on a disregard of all things worth fighting for.
If everyone comes together and agrees to deal with some of the hardships that will come with the war, America will easily be able to crush the problem. As long as Americans remain ‘good patriots’ others will follow their lead
The nation takes great satisfaction and much strength from the things which have been done to make its people conscious of their individual stake in the preservation of democratic life in America. Those things have toughened the fibre of our people, have renewed their faith and strengthened their devotion to the institutions we make ready to protect.
To do so, FDR employs Americans’ pride, commending them on their previous devotion. He also feeds people their purpose (to protect democracy) in order to encourage a tireless fight.
Certainly this is no time for any of us to stop thinking about the social and economic problems which are the root cause of the social revolution which is today a supreme factor in the world.
While he uses a lot of idealistic and emotional language to describe America’s duty to defend democratic values, Roosevelt also recognizes that war could draw the US out of depression.
For there is nothing mysterious about the foundations of a healthy and strong democracy. The basic things expected by our people of their political and economic systems are simple. They are:
Equality of opportunity for youth and for others.
Jobs for those who can work.
Security for those who need it.
The ending of special privilege for the few.
The preservation of civil liberties for all.
The enjoyment of the fruits of scientific progress in a wider and constantly rising standard of living.
These are the simple, basic things that must never be lost sight of in the turmoil and unbelievable complexity of our modern world. The inner and abiding strength of our economic and political systems is dependent upon the degree to which they fulfill these expectations.
Many subjects connected with our social economy call for immediate improvement. As examples:
We should bring more citizens under the coverage of old-age pensions and unemployment insurance.
We should widen the opportunities for adequate medical care.
We should plan a better system by which persons deserving or needing gainful employment may obtain it.
I have called for personal sacrifice. I am assured of the willingness of almost all Americans to respond to that call.
Earlier in the speech, FDR stressed the need for cooperation in preparation. In his domestic goals and Four Freedoms, Roosevelt stresses the values of equality, welfare, peace, and human freedoms in a postwar world.
A part of the sacrifice means the payment of more money in taxes. In my budget message I shall recommend that a greater portion of this great defense program be paid for from taxation than we are paying today. No person should try, or be allowed, to get rich out of this program; and the principle of tax payments in accordance with ability to pay should be constantly before our eyes to guide our legislation.
FDR asked Congress to maintain principles of honesty and reject corruption in trying to take advantage of tax dollars. However, FDR is also asking Congress for the authority to use funds to up production.
If the Congress maintains these principles, the voters, putting patriotism ahead of pocketbooks, will give you their applause.
FDR wants to ensure that Congress sets a good example for the people by paying their taxes and not attempted to get rich off of the program implemented. If Congress sets a good example then the people will follow and understand the importance of putting their country before their personal needs.
In the future days, which we seek to make secure, we look forward to a world founded upon four essential human freedoms.
These are unrealistic goals that we still have yet to achieve, yet striving for them can make the world more equitable.
Additionally, the four freedoms further evoke nationalist sentiment, since FDR seeks to project American ideals from the Constitution onto the rest of the world. Even more American Exceptionalism. When the war starts, Americans will not only be fighting for their freedoms, but the freedoms of oppressed peoples “everywhere in the world”
The first is freedom of speech and expression—everywhere in the world.
The second is freedom of every person to worship God in his own way—everywhere in the world.
The third is freedom from want—which, translated into world terms, means economic understandings which will secure to every nation a healthy peacetime life for its inhabitants—everywhere in the world.
The fourth is freedom from fear—which, translated into world terms, means a world-wide reduction of armaments to such a point and in such a thorough fashion that no nation will be in a position to commit an act of physical aggression against any neighbor—anywhere in the world.
This freedom is reminiscent of FDR’s 1932 inaugural speech, where he says, “The only thing we have to fear is fear itself”. He might implicitly remind Americans of his “fear itself” speech, where he calls on Americans to remain strong and resolute despite an insurmountable challenge. FDR’s idealism shines through here, combining his hopes for a New Deal with his hopes for world peace. It’s interesting that FDR hopes to avert another global war before the US enters WWII in earnest.
That is no vision of a distant millennium. It is a definite basis for a kind of world attainable in our own time and generation. That kind of world is the very antithesis of the so-called new order of tyranny which the dictators seek to create with the crash of a bomb.
While his ideas of the Four Freedoms and vision for a democratic postwar future seem idealistic, he also backs up his visions with some concrete plans. To achieve the Four Freedoms and secure a peaceful future, FDR argues that the world must defeat the dictatorial Axis Powers. He lays out his plan for America to help the world achieve it, from higher taxes to upping production. However, it is still idealistic to assume that the world will band together, uphold the Four Freedoms, and set aside their differences, particularly after a long war.
To that new order we oppose the greater conception—the moral order. A good society is able to face schemes of world domination and foreign revolutions alike without fear.
Since the beginning of our American history, we have been engaged in change—in a perpetual peaceful revolution—a revolution which goes on steadily, quietly adjusting itself to changing conditions—without the concentration camp or the quick-lime in the ditch. The world order which we seek is the cooperation of free countries, working together in a friendly, civilized society.
FDR talks about the US avoiding concentration camps and warfare in its evolution, referencing ideas of American exceptionalism in comparison to turmoil in Europe and Asia. FDR speaks fairly idealistically here; the US fought a significantly bloody civil war over slavery, and FDR himself would force Japanese-Americans into concentration camps a few years after this speech.
In this paragraph he seeks to bring back the revolutionary sprit to destroy injustice throughout the world. He even directly sites concentration camps as a source of injustice, relating the revolutionary spirit back to the problems and enemies at hand. In the following paragraph he defines freedom, an important American value, as something that must be enforced everywhere and for everyone in the form of human rights. By using these key terms and applying them to the current situation he is pushing the American people to desire change and be willing to fight.
This nation has placed its destiny in the hands and heads and hearts of its millions of free men and women; and its faith in freedom under the guidance of God. Freedom means the supremacy of human rights everywhere. Our support goes to those who struggle to gain those rights or keep them. Our strength is our unity of purpose. To that high concept there can be no end save victory.
Although realpolitik is apparent in earlier parts of FDR’s speech, he ends speaking of destiny and faith. While his direct assessment of the state of the country in the middle of the speech provided important information, he ultimately is looking to inspire people with an idealistic and overly optimistic tone.
General Document Comments 0
- What is more apparent in this speech, idealism or realpolitik (what is practical/right for America now)? Are there elements of both?
- What elements do you see of “preparedness”?
- What values is FDR promoting?
- What is FDR asking the American people to do? Congress?
icons on the left to see existing comments.
0 archived comments