Becoming a Legend
‘A Difficult Woman,’ by Alice Kessler-Harris
By DONNA RIFKIND
Published: June 8, 2012
During the great performance that was her life, Lillian Hellman always addressed the 20th century from center stage. While she defended many causes — justice, loyalty, American civil liberties, anti-fascism and Soviet-style Communism among them — what she represented most staunchly was herself, and what she believed in most fiercely was her own unassailability.
Photofest
Lillian Hellman, circa 1939.
A DIFFICULT WOMAN
The Challenging Life and Times of Lillian Hellman
By Alice Kessler-Harris
Illustrated. 439 pp. Bloomsbury Press. $30.
She was first and last a dramatist, with a genius for the concise phrase and the provocative gesture. Shrewd plotting and a talent for dialogue were hallmarks of the hugely successful plays, movies and memoirs she wrote. But two crystalline expressions of her own life’s high drama are more memorable than any story she ever spun: her pithy rebuke to the House Un-American Activities Committee in 1952 (“I cannot and will not cut my conscience to fit this year’s fashions”) and the 1976 Blackglama advertisement for which she posed, enrobed in mink, her 71-year-old face alight with both amusement and confrontation. From her earliest days she sought the spotlight. Once it was on her, she basked in it until the end. Her friend Richard de Combray commented that when she died in 1984 at age 79, “she wanted to pull all the scenery down with her.”
“To read Hellman, even to read about her, is to start an argument,” one of her biographers has noted. Complex and wide-ranging, these arguments have their roots in the 1930s and continue in our time. They fall roughly into a couple of categories. First is the condemnation of Hellman’s insufficiently recanted devotion to Stalinism. Second are the accusations that she fabricated major parts of her best-selling memoirs, which ignited a debate about the ethics of fictionalizing the truth that continues, with les affaires Frey, D’Agata and Daisey, to smolder today. In every arena and on every count, Hellman vigorously defended herself, aided by her many friends and admirers. As that same biographer put it, “She had to be not only right but victorious.”
Always the challenger, Hellman did her best to thwart all unsanctioned accounts of her life. She forbade her friends to talk to inquiring writers and destroyed many of her personal letters. Nonetheless, a half-dozen biographies have been published since her death. The best of them is Carl Rollyson’s “Lillian Hellman: Her Legend and Her Legacy” (1988), a critical but astute portrait. Nearly as good are William Wright’s “Lillian Hellman: The Image, the Woman” — a stouthearted book that did its best with limited sources, having been the first to appear, in 1986 — and Joan Mellen’s “Hellman and Hammett” (1996), an unsparing psychoanalytical examination of Hellman and Dashiell Hammett, her longtime lover and mentor. For day-to-day glimpses of Hellman in her later years, nobody has captured the anger and the humor, the caprice and the stubbornness, the flattery and the bullying, as vividly as her friend Peter Feibleman in “Lilly: Reminiscences of Lillian Hellman” (1988). Weighing in on the controversies, Hellman’s biographers are divided between antipathy and admiration for her; yet all defer to the force of her personality and the power of her celebrity.
Into this circle of Hellmanologists enters a new participant: the historian. Alice Kessler-Harris is a Columbia University professor who has spent a distinguished career studying American gender and labor history. Deeply impressed, as so many readers were, by Hellman’s memoirs when she first read them in the 1960s and ’70s, Kessler-Harris wonders how such a venerated figure can have fallen so far out of favor as to be widely perceived today as “the archetype of hypocrisy, the quintessential liar, the embodiment of ugliness.”
Instead of probing inside Hellman’s character for answers, Kessler-Harris searches outside, “by thinking through her relationship to the 20th century.” She explains: “I seek not only to explore how the world in which Hellman lived shaped the choices she made, but to ask how the life she lived illuminates the world she confronted. . . . I ask as well how a changing political environment influences popular perceptions of her life.” The book is thus not so much a traditional biography as a series of biographical reflections divided into themes: Hellman as Southerner, Jew, woman, playwright, wage earner, radical, moralist and accused liar.
The tension between author and subject makes for some interesting reading, as Kessler-Harris struggles, as historians do, to subsume her leading lady into a series of social, political and economic contexts, while Hellman — never one to be muscled off a podium — noisily resists. Kessler-Harris is most convincing, unsurprisingly, when she shows Hellman in opposition to her milieu.
We see how much an outsider Hellman was from the beginning, during a lonely childhood in which she shuttled back and forth between New Orleans and New York. In the South she benefited from her hometown’s freewheeling diversity, untouched by anti-Semitism and molded by the egalitarian moral code of Sophronia, her black nurse. In Manhattan, as a shabby interloper among her mother’s wealthy relatives, she began a lifelong obsession with money as a means of control.
In fact, the book’s most incisive chapter, and the most moving in its way, is “A Self-Made Woman,” which recounts Hellman’s financial history. Again, it’s as an anomaly that Hellman stands in relation to her era: an unmarried woman who made serious money from her outstanding work on Broadway and in Hollywood and managed to parlay that fortune into a mini-empire of smart real estate investments. Celebrated by the women’s movement, Hellman refused to call herself a feminist, and her ardent protection of her own rights and royalties was denounced as haggling and penny-pinching. Yet Kessler-Harris makes an affecting case for the difficulty of Hellman’s solo achievement. “In the end,” she writes, “money was not simply a way of sustaining herself, but a way of convincing the world that she mattered.”
The author is much less persuasive, though, when she tries to blend Hellman smoothly into the context of the endlessly complicated 20th century. Of Hellman’s tricky anti-Zionism, Kessler-Harris assures us that Hellman was “neither the first nor the only” person accused of being a self-hating Jew (though one could argue that she knew too little about Judaism to qualify as self-hating); her 1938 signature on a letter supporting the Moscow purge trials and her subsequent failure to apologize are, in light of so many others’ equivalent behavior, not “defensible” but “understandable.” These and other soothing excuses for Hellman’s less laudatory behavior defuse its influence and desensitize its sting, in each case obfuscating instead of clarifying the controversies.
Throughout the book, Kessler-Harris tries to explain what we can learn from Hellman about ourselves, the way she provided “a sense of how myriad ordinary folk made difficult choices,” how she serves as “a Rorschach test” and “a lightning rod” for our angers and fears. Yet if we’ve learned one thing only about Hellman, it’s that she was surely not ordinary folk, no passive receiver of unpredictable rough weather. She was not a lightning rod. She was the lightning.
Nor does the author definitively prove her assertion that Hellman’s reputation has sunk completely into a swamp of “negative mythology.” Yes, her reputation has suffered as more and more evidence of her political naïveté and her dissembling has emerged. Yet her simplistic romanticizing of the radical politics of the 1930s through the 1950s in America has come to be widely accepted as truth, as has her status as the heroine of the less-than-ennobling HUAC proceedings. The realities, as always, are ever so much more complicated. To explain away those realities as the impulses of ordinary folk is to misrepresent Hellman’s legacy and to dissatisfy both her enemies and her friends.
Donna Rifkind has written for The Washington Post, The Wall Street Journal and other publications.
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Lillian Hellman was so resolute in her convictions that whoever challenged her had to be ready for a fight. Hence, her “unassailability” does not imply that her words were sacred dictum but refers to the ferocity with which she responded to disputers.
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A woman who fought for justice and equality and dared to address the century, yet from her self-centered, inaccessible pedestal.
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The word choice- justice, liberty, loyalty- that the author chooses makes her almost seem like a hero who was not afraid to defend her own views- or as the author says “what she represented most staunchly was herself.”
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A confident woman, who was not afraid to fight for what she thought was truthful. A woman preaching for equality and justice from her own stage, from where she was seen by everyone. She was an influence.
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That she was a strong willed and highly opinionated woman that held to her convictions.
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This paragraph makes me think of Lillian as a strong, independent, woman who was passionate about her causes with great confidence in them and herself.
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There is a significance in this word chosen over the playwright, as both share the same meaning.
But dramatist fits Hellman more, as her life was an entire dramatic performance.
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That whatever Hellman did, she incorporated who she was – a dramatist. That life was her stage, and people around were actors.
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I think for some people it is not a choice but given. Hellman was a very intense person, she operated on a different frequency. It might be that this extreme intensity was her comfort zone.
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Drama has a connotation of being fabricated. There can be drama in truth but not necessarily truth in drama. One might intimate that Hellman’s views were a result of her preference to drama than truth. That is, her convictions were more driven by ego than rationale.
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Truth is an occurrence of an event , drama is a reaction to it. But I think it’s more complicated than just fabricated, people are born with different personality types, some of them posses the intense fireball of emotions, which becomes this dramatic chemical lens to see through. Hellman, seems to me, just was that way. More than just ego was driving her. And she was rational enough to build quite a fortune, and dramatic enough to be one of the greatest female dramatists.
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Using that specific word was a clever way of referencing her ‘play of life’ and how she was dynamic and vibrant with probably everything she did. It implied that this way of life was the only way she knew and in fact probably had a negative connotation too if she had to stick up for what she believed in dramatically because it may have caused her to ignore the facts. Perhaps it indicates a stubbornness.
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I think this quote does a nice job encapsulating what the writer spends the paragraph explaining.
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This quote gets to the essence of who Hellman was, she was so larger life when it ended it ended for everyone. I like that.
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A quote here matters more than who wrote it, as it perfectly highlights Hellman’s difficult nature and scandalous persona. Reviewer decided to keep the author in the shade, not to steal attention from the quote.
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At least to me it grabs my attention. It makes her seem interesting and keeps me reading to find out more.
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This quote is all about Hellman, and as Hellman took the stage, the reviewer does not allow for anyone else to indulge on her spotlight.
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Writing about Hellman seems to be a tough job. She wanted to control what others thought about her, so she made it difficult for “unsanctioned” biographers to inquire about her affairs, thinking they may highlight an unsavory area of her life. By destroying documents and trying to keep things private, Hellman challenged biographers to be able to write about her.
“Always the challenger” also is a nice way of sticking to the theme of Hellman’s loud, dramatic personality.
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She made it very difficult for biographers to collect pieces of personal information by simply destroying them.
Not to purposely challenge them,but to preserve her private life as much as she could. It is an interesting detail, considering her provocative and teasing personality.
After I read this review, i thought of Edith Piaf, who was a very intense person and meant every inch of it.
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It’s meant to say that everything about her was difficult. Even writing about her was a challenge because she could not be plainly put down on paper. Her lifestyle made it difficult for authors and that’s exactly how she wanted it, as she destroyed most of her stuff.
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Out of many “Hellmanologists” she became the first historian who attempted to write Hellman’s biography. Not only she was a historian, but also precisely studied American gender and labor history. And out of many political activists of that time, it was dramatic Hellman that caught her attention.
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That she has authority to discuss a strong female persona in the time of when gender equality was still an issue. Kessler-Harris can connect the world around Hellman to her life and give more background and facts. This helps the reader to understand Hellman’s story and her ambitions, how she worked.
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As a historian, she draws a parallel between Hellman’s life and the social and political events of the 20th century.
It is a very thoughtful approach of seeing the connection of events on a bigger scale. But this approach failed with Hellman, who “noisily resists” any subordination.
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Yes, without reading the book, you can just rely on the critic’s point of view. Critics have the power of making the first impression.
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It is more of a biography of the 20th century through Hellman’s character, who had gathered the entire dramatic palette within as a “Jew, woman, playwright, wage earner, radical, moralist and accused liar.”
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The biography unpacks aspects of Hellman and contextualizes them—a risky way of writing a biography.
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As important as it is to contextualize the life of someone, biography cannot slice-and-dice a person into neat categories. A person’s life is far more complex than that. Hence, this is a risky way to go about writing a biography.
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Through the biography we explore Hellman as a woman of her time. We are brought back in history to view how it was to be a woman, jew, radical etc. Through the eyes of a dramatist we see the real life drama of those days.
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The biography challenges the way we look at a person by introducing the different aspects of her life and her personality. Based on our time period, and political beliefs, we will most likely view her differently. It’s implying that this biography leaves room for change and interpretation rather than establishing rigid fact.
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Being a historian Kessler-Harris tried to incorporate the subject of her biography into the broad context of the 20th century. She couldn’t set Hellman aside from social and political events.
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The author goes into too much historical, political and social content, instead of shining the spotlight on Hellman.
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A biography of a political leader who led people towards significant change in history, would require the reflection of the historical background. Preceding events from the past could serve as the main source of motivation.
Even in Hellman’s case, historic events did indeed matter, it is just the biographer approach was from the wrong angle. Instead of comparing Helmann to ordinary folks, she could have shown this simplicity was driving Lillian in the opposite directions. The fact she earned big salary, was investing her capital is significant in the context of the 20 century, while many women were investing their husbands’ capital in the future of their children. She was a step ahead of her time.
It seems historical approach matters, when used right.
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According to dictionary an interloper is a person who finds himself in the situation or a place, where he is not wanted.
As small Lillian was an outcast in her own family, this idea of an outsider deeply rooted in her head.
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Her experience as being the black sheep of the family most likely motivated her to stand up for her own beliefs and embrace that difference. When she stood up for women’s rights and other political beliefs she was an outside in her own right, though not completely alone, and embraced the fact that she was the opposition. She fought for what the black sheep of society wanted.
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She felt more comfortable standing alone on the outsider pedestal instead of belonging to the group, being subsumed as one of many.
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It s a women’s movement, advocacy of women’s rights. Hellman didn’t like gender distinction, as she achieved on her own more than many men of her time could have only imagined. She fought for civil rights and freedom of a human being, whether it is men or women didn’t matter.
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Hellman did not want to be seen as a member of a group. She was proud to be a woman that on her own could construct a wealthy and recognized life. She did not want to step out of her spotlight, or for someone else to her recognition for her achievements.
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Perhaps she believed that this would divide her attention from other causes and her individuality, taking away her credibility if she identified too strongly with a group. Feminism might also frown upon the idea that a woman must be rich and stand in a spotlight for people to listen, but Hellman seemed to know that and took advantage of it. Which doesn’t quite support feminism
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Kessler- Harris’s quote stating that Hellman used money not to sustain herself but to convince the world that she mattered is a succinct summary of Hellman’s life achievement. She was an unmarried business woman which would stereotypical lead to an unfulfilling life but Hellman’s dramatics lead to her successful career. I really like the quote.
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‘Less persuasive,’ ‘soothing excuses,’ ‘defuse,’ ‘desensitize,’ ‘obfuscating instead of clarifying.’
The reviewer gets pretty harsh in her evaluation of the biography towards the end.
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less persuasive
soothing excuses
obfuscating instead of clarifying
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The reviewer cites oversimplification as an issue with the biography. Part of the issue here is the biographer imposes herself on her subject. While in some cases this may be understandable, what is the real purpose here?
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Hellman’s fierce charismatic personality couldn’t be identified with many, especially ordinary folks.She was “one of a kind.” That is a big miss from the biographer’s point of view.
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Yes, the biographer identified Hellman with ordinary folks, which was a big mistake pointed out by the reviewer.
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I really like this paragraph. It wraps things up nicely and ends with a nice bang mentioning enemies and friends.
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Hellman’s provocative views had merely became a myth, the reviewer argues. Indeed, they became widely accepted as truth, which is the second important point the biographer got wrong.
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Hellman’s provocative views didn’t not merely become just a myth, the reviewer argues.
The previous sentence was missing the negative verb before “merely.”
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I agree with Tanya. The reviewer points out that the biographer doesn’t prove Hellman’s reputation has suffered but “romanticizes” the politics of the 1930’s to the ’50’s as if that’s enough to prove their point. The reviewer also runs into problems when the biographer, apparently, does an unimpressive job of introducing Hellman to the 20th century. Though that reviewer lightly mentions how Kessler-Harris writes about Hellman being a “self-hating Jew,” it seems that the section of the biography would be confusing. But I would only know if I read it in it’s entirety.
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